Sum m ary. T his paper exam ines featu res of resid ential segrega tion in ® ve m ixed Arab ± Jew ish cities in Israel; the role of ideology and state politics among the charter grou pÐ i.e. the Jew ish population Ð is con sidered to be a dom inant factor in this social process. U tilisin g availab le Israeli census data supplem ented by the author' s own ® eld survey, the study indicates that all ® ve cities have exp erienced a con tinuous tren d of high indices of segrega tion and hypersegreg ation . The spatial m anifestatio n of this tren d is a classic display of sectoral (but not con centric) pattern s of resid ency. C oncom itan tly, the scop e of both social and econ om ic interactio ns betw een the two com m unities sharing the sam e urban space rem ains underdevelop ed. The city has effectiv ely provid ed a sense of local identity: both grou ps live in and are part of the sam e place, yet this space is not a locu s for gen uine integratio n. A situ ation of neigh bours without neigh bourly relation s m ark s the resid ential reality of Israeli m ixed cities. Ghazi Falah is in the

Violence against persons and places may result in profound and radical transformations in the cultural landscape. In Palestine, political processes during war and its aftermath resulted in radical changes in culturescape. While the 1948 plight of some three‐quarters of a million Palestinian refugees has been the subject of considerable analysis and controversy, far less attention has been paid to the physical destruction of the spatial world they inhabited. Using recently released classified material on the 1948 Israeli‐Palestinian War, this paper seeks to interpret the war and its aftermath from the Palestinian civilian perspective. Particular attention is given to the enforced uprooting of the Palestinians and the obliteration of their rural villages. Empirical findings based on visits to all Palestinian villages (418) depopulated during that war corroborate the radical transformation of the Arab cultural landscape and its concomitant de‐signification. The paper postulates six different categories of state intervention in the Arab cultural landscape; these range from obliteration (hardly any physical remains are discernable) to the selective survival of Arab houses currently occupied by Jewish families. This paper delineates what is essentially a “forgotten landscape” concealed under the palimpsest of the countryside of modern Israel/Palestine.

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As with all wars, the U.S. military invasion of Iraq in 2003 needed to be portrayed as a just war in an attempt to garner support and legitimacy, domestically and internationally. The United States was acting as hegemonic power in the international state‐system and, in light of this role, had imperatives and tools in creating the argument for a just war that differed from those used by nonhegemonic states. The United States acted extraterritorially by diffusing a message of moral right. Arab resistance to the war was evident in the construction of the United States and its leadership as immoral, precluding its ability to wage a just war. This article focuses on the Arab response by analyzing the portrayal in Arab newspapers of the imminent war on Iraq. Sixty‐five newspapers of the Arabic language (plus the Iraqi news agency), published in seventeen Arab countries, of which four were Iraqi newspapers, were consulted for the purpose of this study. Interpretation of the geopolitical rhetoric within newspaper reports and political cartoons published in Arab newspapers highlights the way that arguments of morality and immorality were connected to understandings of territorial sovereignty and hegemonic extraterritorial influence into territorial sovereign spaces.