Although a brutal Civil War ended in 1996 and a democratisation process was initiated, Guatemalan statehood remains contested. Due to a historical process defined by elite capture and extreme repression, the State never fully consolidated. As a result, formal institutions tasked with political and economic governance are not as robust or effective as the informal institutions. There have been important developments. For instance, a myriad of social actors was able to carve out a space of public political and economic resistance which continues to this day. Notwithstanding these advances, Guatemala is now facing widespread insecurity as a result of the rise of transnational drug-trafficking, and the presence of gangs and cartels. The current crisis has worsened historic and structural injustices. In this regard, security governance is never an isolated issue. It is deeply interwoven with political and economic forms of governance. Due to the weak political governance, cartels and gangs can operate with near impunity. Then, because of weak economic governance, there are countless desperately poor youths willing to enter the drug trade.  To address these security issues, it is crucial to look at the institutional, political and social factors which have shaped the national context.

In spite of a democratic governance model, due to cis-heteronormativity, the rights of incarcerated transgender women in Costa Rica are routinely undermined by pervasive direct, social and structural violence. In effect, their incarceration is often preceded by victimization in the public and private spheres. This paper will use in-depth interviews carried out with incarcerated transgender women to examine the social factors contributing to their vulnerability and the State's responsiveness to their needs. This will be complemented by a socio-legal analysis of the current criminal justice framework. Finally, will examine if there is compliance with international human rights conventions

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The persistence of a broad coalition of social movements, including Indigenous-led protests in the 1990s, the War on Gas, War on Water and the election of Evo Morales, contributed to a Plurinational Constitution in 2009. The result was a profound reframing of the social contract, enshrining legal, political and social pluralism. Nevertheless, the extent to which these measures have led to an improvement is still debated. For this reason, based on 22 interviews in La Paz and Sucre with former Constituent Assembly members from 2017 to 2019, this article examines the role of social movements in contesting the status quo. Second, it explores whether the pluralistic measures have changed the situation of Indigenous peoples and decolonised the governance model.