Citation for published item:f inD ul qF nd wilfontD i no vF nd u shim D oshihis nd filewi zD wi h l nd horonD quy nd q r rsd¡ ottirD gn fF nd qouvei D ldiney F nd qu nD njun nd toh nssonD v rsEylof nd squ liD g rlot nd gorr lE erdugoD i tor nd er gonesD tu n sgn io nd tsugiD ekir nd hem rqueD ghristophe nd yttoD iegm r nd rkD toonh nd ol ndD w rtin nd tegD vind nd qonz¡ lezD o erto nd ve edev D x dezhd nd w dsenD yle t o nd gnerD gl ire nd ekoti D gh rity F nd uurzD im nd izD tos¡ e vF nd hultzD F esley nd iin rsd¡ ottirD qr¡ o nd violidisD xin wF @PHITA 9goE ene(ts of ddressing lim te h nge n motiv te tion round the worldF9D x ture lim te h ngeFD T @PAF ppF ISREISUF Further information on publisher's website:httpXGGdxFdoiForgGIHFIHQVGn lim tePVIR Publisher's copyright statement:Additional information: Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-pro t purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. It is traditionally thought that the public must be convinced of the reality and importance of anthropogenic climate change in order to take personal and political action.However, convincing the broad public involves overcoming powerful ideological obstacles 1-4 , and in many places climate change is slipping in public importance 5,6 . Here we examined whether beliefs about the "co-benefits" of mitigating climate change 7 can avoid these obstacles by motivating behavior in both those who accept climate change and those who are unconvinced or unconcerned. We describe an integrative framework for assessing cobenefits 8 , distinguishing sociological dimensions (e.g., pollution, disease, economic development), and community character (e.g., benevolence, competence). Data from all inhabited continents (24 countries; N=6059), showed that two types of co-benefits, Development (economic and scientific advancement) and Benevolence (a more moral and caring community), rivalled climate change importance in the strength of their relationships with motivations to act. These co-benefits showed effects independent of climate change importance beliefs, and showed similar effects for both climate change believers and skeptics. Communicating these co-benefits of addressing climate change can help motivate action on climate change where traditional approaches have stalled.Those trying to motivate widespread public action on climate change face two hurdles.The first is to convince enough people that climate change is real and important. The second is to move people from accepting its reality and importance to taking action, both in their own lives and in convincing their governments to act. A sing...

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In this research, we investigated how relative resource assessments relate to future expectations. In previous research, resources are typically studied separately, and contextual influences and reference-point dependencies are often ignored. We addressed this in an online survey in which Icelanders (N = 611) assessed their economic, temporal, social, and emotional resources using four reference points (wants, others, past, future). We used exploratory factor analysis to reduce the four resources into three reliable factors: economic, temporal, and socio-emotional resources. Using hierarchical regression we found that assessments of socio-emotional and economic resources were related to future expectations, even after controlling for more objective resource markers, such as income and education. This relationship was strongest when past resources were used as the reference point for assessing current resources. We interpret these findings as suggesting that temporal comparisons to the past become more salient during times of instability, as Icelanders have recently gone through much economic and political turmoil. A psychological challenge for individuals recovering from economic collapse is to abstain from comparing current with past resource levels, as it elicits a loss experience. Overcoming a feeling that "it was better before" seems vital in re-establishing optimistic future expectations.Keywords: relative resource assessments, reference points, temporal relative deprivation, future expectations, optimism, worry It is well established that economic resources are positively related to well-being and positive future expectations (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002). Possessing a large resource reservoir makes individuals less vulnerable and facilitates the attainment of more resources (Hobfoll, 2002). Individuals who have enough resources therefore have good grounds for viewing the future brightly, as they can rest secure in the knowledge that they will most likely be able to face life's adversities. In contrast, people who feel that their resources are lacking may be worried about the future, as this exposes them to vulnerabilities ensued by negative events. But, how do you know if your current standing gives you cause for concern or optimism? Perhaps a subjective assessment of the available resources is as important as your objective resource levels! When making such an 1 Department of Psychology, University of Gothenburg, Box 500, Gothenburg 40530, Sweden This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. assessment you are likely to evaluate your current standing relative to a reference known to you, using some type of reference point for the assessment.The following scenario illustrates this assessment process: Imagine that you were able to save €1600 two years ago, and €1000 last ye...

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We know that unlike Homo economicus, Homo sapiens is often influenced by allegedly irrelevant contextual cues when assessing value. However, only recently have individual differences in susceptibility to context effects been studied. We propose that individuals who grow up poor develop contextualized skills that protect them from blowing their budget and argue that stable value assessment is such a skill. We test this claim using six experimental paradigms of value assessments with ca. 1400 participants. We hypothesized that contextual cues have a stronger influence on the valuations made by the past rich compared to the past poor. Further, the theoretical foundation of this paper is based on two lines of influential research that have been criticized on methodological grounds. We therefore preregistered our study, improved interaction testing, and tested the replicability of previous findings. The results showed only anecdotal evidence that the past poor made more consistent valuations. Even though the past poor don't seem to have a generalized ability for consistent valuations, we encourage a continued search for more specific and ecologically relevant skills essential for good money management that may have developed as a response to growing up poor.