The present commentary contains a clear and simple guide designed to identify ultra-processed foods. It responds to the growing interest in ultra-processed foods among policy makers, academic researchers, health professionals, journalists and consumers concerned to devise policies, investigate dietary patterns, advise people, prepare media coverage, and when buying food and checking labels in shops or at home. Ultra-processed foods are defined within the NOVA classification system, which groups foods according to the extent and purpose of industrial processing. Processes enabling the manufacture of ultra-processed foods include the fractioning of whole foods into substances, chemical modifications of these substances, assembly of unmodified and modified food substances, frequent use of cosmetic additives and sophisticated packaging. Processes and ingredients used to manufacture ultra-processed foods are designed to create highly profitable (low-cost ingredients, long shelf-life, emphatic branding), convenient (ready-to-consume), hyper-palatable products liable to displace all other NOVA food groups, notably unprocessed or minimally processed foods. A practical way to identify an ultra-processed product is to check to see if its list of ingredients contains at least one item characteristic of the NOVA ultra-processed food group, which is to say, either food substances never or rarely used in kitchens (such as high-fructose corn syrup, hydrogenated or interesterified oils, and hydrolysed proteins), or classes of additives designed to make the final product palatable or more appealing (such as flavours, flavour enhancers, colours, emulsifiers, emulsifying salts, sweeteners, thickeners, and anti-foaming, bulking, carbonating, foaming, gelling and glazing agents).

In Chile, ultra-processed foods are important contributors to total energy intake and to the consumption of added sugars. Actions aimed at limiting consumption of ultra-processed foods are being implemented as effective ways to achieve WHO dietary recommendations to limit added sugars and processed foods, especially for children and adolescents.

No abstract

Objective: To identify and monitor food industry use of political practices during the adoption of nutrition warning labels (WL) in Colombia. Design: Document analysis of publicly available information triangulated with interviews. Setting: Colombia. Participants: Eighteen key informants from the government (n 2), academia (n 1), civil society (n 12), the media (n 2) and a former food industry employee (n 1). Results: In Colombia, the food industry used experts and groups funded by large transnationals to promote its preferred front-of-pack nutrition labelling (FOPL) and discredit the proposed warning models. The industry criticised the proposed WL, discussing the negative impacts they would have on trade, the excessive costs required to implement them and the fact that consumers were responsible for making the right choices about what to eat. Food industry actors also interacted with the government and former members of large trade associations now in decision-making positions in the public sector. The Codex Alimentarius was also a platform through which the industry got access to decision-making and could influence the FOPL policy. Conclusions: In Colombia, the food industry used a broad range of political strategies that could have negatively influenced the FOPL policy process. Despite this influence, the mandatory use of WL was announced in February 2020. There is an urgent need to condemn such political practices as they still could prevent the implementation of other internationally recommended measures to improve population health in the country and abroad, nutrition WL being only of them.

OBJECTIVE: To analyze the consumption of ultra-processed foods in the Colombian population across sociodemographic factors. METHODS: We used data from the 2005 National Survey of the Nutritional Status in Colombia. Food consumption was assessed using a 24-hour food recall in 38,643 individuals. The food items were classified according to the degree and extent of industrial processing using the NOVA classification. RESULTS: The mean calorie contribution of ultra-processed foods ranged from 0.2% in the lowest quintile of consumers to 41.1% in the highest quintile of consumers. The greatest increases were due to the consumption of industrialized breads, sweet and savory snacks, sugary drinks, processed meats, and confectionery. No major differences were found in the consumption of ultra-processed foods between men and women. We observed significant differences by age, socioeconomic status, area of residence, and geographic region. Children and adolescents showed a higher intake of ultra-processed foods, almost double that of participants over 50 years of age. Children consumed significantly more snacks, confectionery products, processed cereals, milk-based drinks and desserts. Participants over 50 years consumed fewer products from these sub-groups of ultra-processed foods but had the highest consumption of industrialized bread. Individuals from urban areas, those with high socioeconomic status, participants residing in the Bogotá region had 1.5 to 1.7 times higher calorie intake from ultra-processed foods compared with those from a lower socioeconomic status and those residing in rural regions. CONCLUSION: In Colombia, industrialized bread is the ultra-processed product that is most easily assimilated into the traditional diet, along with snacks and sugary drinks. Children and adolescents residing in urban areas and households with greater purchasing power have some of the highest intakes of ultra-processed foods in the country.