In this article, I analyze and compare the contributions of Dupuit and Walras on the natural monopoly of railroads. Both theorists argued that railroads—as opposed to inland waterways—could not be vertically unbundled, a point that previous authors who compared their views failed to point out. Moreover, until now, Dupuit’s analysis of the railroad monopolies before the Société d’économie politique had been overlooked. This article fills this gap in the literature by showing that Dupuit and Walras both concluded that railroads were better managed under the monopoly regime; however, they drew upon different perspectives. I argue that Dupuit was more pragmatic, using the concept of a “de facto monopoly,” while Walras was more ideological, arguing that the railroad industry was a public utility. In so doing, I underline that Dupuit did not oppose government intervention, counter to a few misrepresentations and fallacies in the literature.

The Amblyomma variegatum eradication campaign was officially started in April 1994 in Martinique and in Guadeloupe, including its dependencies of Marie Galante, Desirade and St Martin. A budget of $10.5 and $5.9 million for Guadeloupe and Martinique, respectively, was initially (1991) calculated and considered necessary to achieve the program. However, EEC, the most important donor, estimated that 75% only of this proposal was acceptable, on which it agrees to support a maximum of 50%. The balance had to be provided by French government, local political institutions, and animal owners. The current budget actualized in 1995 by veterinary authorities of Martinique and Guadeloupe is $7,200,000 and $9,900,000 respectively. The program will take 5 years: preparation (1 year), acaricide application (3 years), surveillance (1 year). During this first year, a pilot committee was established, and a project leader was designated for each island. Efforts were essentially oriented to organize the program in the field and to obtain funds from French and local counterparts. Funds allowed the recruitment and training of 19 new agents in Guadeloupe and 9 in Martinique, in addition to personnel already involved in the tick control program. Census of animal owners and identification of cattle started or were developed. Tenders were invited to provide vehicles and acaricides. For the latter, choices were made considering the prices and efficacy as well as funds available. Due to a limited budget and cost of pour-on formulations, pour-on acaricides will be used on a maximum of 30% of animals only. In order to investigate animal owners' reticences and the most appropriate media channels to establish a communication and a training program, a survey was conducted in Guadeloupe on a sample of 301 animal owners. The results are presented. In order to strengthen the chances of success of the campaign in the French islands, it is expected that a similar program will take place soon in infested neighboring islands.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze Léon Walras’s theory of public interest goods. For him, “services and products of public interest are theoretically those that interest men as members of the community or of the State emanating from the authority to establish social conditions, that is, from the satisfaction of needs that are the same and equal to all” ([1875, 1897a] 1992, EEPA, p. 187). In Walras’s mind, this definition meant that public interest goods could not be factored into the utility function, in sharp contrast with the standard approach in public goods theory. Walras did not imply that public interest goods were not useful, but he maintained instead that their utility was felt only by the community as a whole and not by the individual. Walras developed an anti-individualistic view of the State in which the collective interest was not reducible to the sum of private interests.

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