(R-DAB)FeI(2) complexes containing bidentate diimide ligands (R-DAB = RN=CH-CH=NR; R = (i)Pr, c-C(6)H(11)) have been investigated for their ability to react with carbon monoxide to form iron(II) dicarbonyl complexes, (R-DAB)FeI(2)(CO)(2). Solution IR spectroscopy revealed two νCO stretches between 2000 and 2040 cm(-1) corresponding to a cis-arrangement of the carbonyl ligands around the iron. Photochemical decarbonylation was achieved by UV irradiation (365 nm), which occurred within 5 min as evidenced by solution IR spectroscopy. (c-C(6)H(11)-DAB)FeI(2) has been characterised by X-ray crystallography. Reactions using (11)C-labelled carbon monoxide were investigated and revealed that both (R-DAB)FeI(2) species were not effective as trapping complexes due to the low concentrations of [(11)C]CO used in these experiments. A Fe(TPP)(THF)(x) (TPP = tetraphenylporphyrin) complex was investigated with unlabelled CO and the monocarbonyl adduct Fe(TPP)(THF)CO was formed in situ as identified by IR spectroscopy (νCO = 1966 cm(-1)) yet was stable to CO loss upon UV irradiation. Carbonylation reactions of in situ-generated Fe(TPP)(THF)(x) using [(11)C]CO revealed that 97% of the [(11)C]CO stream could be trapped in one pass of the gas at room temperature and at atmospheric pressure.
This article contests the argument that British political thought in the 19th century was exceptional in European perspective in lacking a strong concept of nationhood and nationality. On the one hand it argues, with reference to Mazzini, Michelet and Renan, that continental European theories of nationality were by no means as dependent on a strong concept of race as a focus on Germany might imply. On the other hand, it identifies the Liberal Anglican tradition (Thomas and Matthew Arnold, F.D. Maurice, Arnold Toynbee) as a current of thought which generated an important but certainly non-racial concept of nationhood, as part of a general rehabilitation of community in the face of what these thinkers took to be utilitarian neglect.key words: Matthew Arnold, F.D. Maurice, nation, nationalism, race, Toynbee, Victorian Peter Mandler has recently offered a powerful rebuttal of the increasingly fashionable notion that already in the middle of the 19th century British culture and thought were permeated with organic concepts of race and nation. 1 He has instead stressed the continuing vitality of an older, 'civilizational', tradition of thought which regarded nationhood as atavistic. He challenges the argument, advanced by cultural historians such as Catherine Hall, that imperial crisis in India, Ireland, Jamaica and elsewhere had a remorselessly nationalizing and racializing impact on British political thought. For Mandler, 'the ladder of civilisation, rather than the branching tree of peoples and nations, remained the dominant metaphor'. 2 The former metaphor, tied to the idea of a 'universalising "civilisation"', implied a more or less uniform human nature, whereas the latter took human nature to be nationally differentiated. 3 He argues that organic nationalism made few inroads in Britain before the First World War, and even concludes that it was only in the inter-war period, with the emergence of a conservative nationalism, that the idea of the nation came to play a central role in British political thought.
Does citizenship exist beneath the level of the nation-state? An enduring historiography insists on the essentially national character of modern citizenship, but this article argues on the contrary that locally defined identities have continued to exercise an important influence on the social and political rights of citizens. These local identities are not just relics of composite states with different membership criteria; rather, spatially complex citizenship is the norm.
This article traces the invention of pluralist political language in France to a very specific ideological source: Jacques Maritain, Emmanuel Mounier, and the progressive Catholic circles that gathered around the journalEspritin the 1930s. It shows that the dialogue with the émigré Russian Jewish sociologist Georges Gurvitch was an important influence on theEspritcircle, but also that it was Maritain rather than Gurvitch who did most to disseminate the language of pluralism. The paper thus builds on recent work according Maritain and Christian democracy a central place in the intellectual history of twentieth-century politics. It also contests the Anglo-American bias that has dominated histories of pluralism, and instead places France at the centre.
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