Background Aphasia following cerebro-vascular accidents has been a primary source of insight for models of language in the brain. However, deviant language patterns in aphasia may reflect processing limitations and cognitive impairment more than language impairment per se. Aims We sought to obtain new evidence from spontaneous speech in Broca’s aphasia (BA) for the intactness of grammatical knowledge, operationalized as the preservation of the basic hierarchical structure of syntactic projections. Methods & procedures Speech obtained with the AphasiaBank protocol from 20 people with BA, which were independently rated as also being agrammatic, was analyzed and compared to 20 matched non-brain-damaged controls. We quantified (i) marking of Aspect, Tense, and Modality (A-T-M), which are located at specific (high) layers of the syntactic hierarchy and ordered in relation to one another ([M…[T…[A…]]]); (ii) hierarchies of clausal units ([C…[C]]); (iii) discourse markers embedding clauses, located at the highest layer of the hierarchy; and (iv) attachment of adjuncts at different heights of a given hierarchical syntactic structure. Supplementary evidence was obtained from a typology of errors and from pauses subcategorized according to their hierarchical syntactic position. Outcomes & results Groups did not quantitatively differ on rates of either Aspect or Modality but underproduced T and embedded clauses. Evidence for compensatory effects was seen in both of the latter two cases. While all adjunct types were underproduced in BA, and pauses overproduced, both showed the same relative proportions within both groups. Errors were largely restricted to omissions, of a kind that would also be expected in condensed neurotypical speech. Conclusions Overall, these patterns support the hypothesis of intactness of grammatical knowledge in BA clinically rated as agrammatic, questioning it as a disease model of language impairment.

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Purpose: If language production is impaired, will gestures compensate? Evidence in favor of this prediction has often been argued to come from aphasia, but it remains contested. Here, we tested whether thought content not present in speech due to language impairment is manifested in gestures, in 20 people with dysfluent (Broca’s) aphasia, 20 people with fluent (Wernicke’s) aphasia, and 20 matched neurotypical controls. Method: A new annotation scheme was created distinguishing types of gestures and whether they co-occurred with fluent or dysfluent/absent speech and were temporally aligned in content with coproduced speech. Results: Across both aphasia types, noncontent (beat) gestures, which by their nature cannot compensate for lost speech content, constituted the greatest proportion of all types of gestures produced. Content (i.e., descriptive, referential, and metaphorical) gestures were largely coproduced with fluent rather than dysfluent speech and tended to be aligned with the content conveyed in speech. They also did not differ in quantity depending on whether the dysfluencies were eventually resolved or not. Neither aphasia severity nor comprehension ability had an impact on the total amount of content gesture produced in people with aphasia, which was instead positively correlated with speech fluency. Conclusions: Together, these results suggest that gestures are unlikely to have a role in compensating for linguistic deficits and to serve as a representational system conveying thought content independent of language. Surprisingly, aphasia rather is a model of how gesture and language are inherently integrated and aligned: Even when language is impaired, it remains the essential provider of content.