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This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and ConflictVol. 46(3) -on Neutrality and 'Military Non-Alignment' as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states' relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a 'Second Option' of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.

We propose that the European Union (EU) should be used in citizenship education as a possible vehicle for citizens' influence on issues outside the reach of the nation-state. Citizenship education thus ought to include the EU as an arena for political action and relevant ''EU knowledge'' ought to be part of the curriculum. Concepts from the German politische Bildung tradition are used to discuss what should be the content of an education aiming at educating young people to (become) democratic citizens and the level of competence required in order to function as a democratic citizen. The ''reflecting spectator'' is given special attention. Environmental issues are chosen, for three reasons, to show how EU education can be part of citizenship education: the transborder character of environmental problems, the multilevel responsibilities connected to them, and the fact that virtually all European environmental policy is made in, or in close association with, the EU.

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In 2011, a Norwegian right-wing extremist killed 77 mostly young people in an attack on proponents of multiculturalism. A critical event of this magnitude is important in a nation’s collective memory. For young people’s political socialization and value orientation, it could be crucial. Adolescents’ memories and interpretations of terrorism are an understudied area. On the basis of different memory narratives among ethnic Norwegian adolescents, who were 13 or 14 in 2011, implications of the attacks, seen as a case of collective memory formation of terrorism, are discussed in terms of how young people remember and interpret the attacks and negotiate between competing narratives. Focus group interviews conducted in 2015–2016 with 18-year-olds showed a marked tension between support for democratic values and numerous references to individuals and organizations having critical views on immigration and diversity and the importance of active agents promoting the conflicting narratives.