School-Wide Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (SWPBIS) is a systems approach to supporting the social and emotional needs of all children utilized by more than 21,000 schools across the nation. Data from numerous studies and state projects' evaluation reports point to the impact of SWPBIS on student outcomes (office discipline referrals [ODRs], in-school suspensions [ISSs], out-of-school suspensions [OSSs]) and the possible relationship between implementation fidelity and those student outcomes. With data from 1,122 Florida schools, this study used a longitudinal design to examine the associations between the total score and 10 subscale scores on the Benchmarks of Quality (BoQ), a validated SWPBIS implementation fidelity measure, and school-level behavioral outcomes: ODRs, ISSs, and OSSs. Results of these analyses found a decreasing trend across all three behavioral outcomes, and schools having higher BoQ total scores realized lower ODRs and had corresponding fewer ISSs and OSSs. Of the 10 subscales, the Classroom was negatively and significantly associated with ODRs and OSSs, whereas the BoQ Data Entry Plan was positively and significantly associated with ODRs at initial status and across time after controlling for school-level characteristics (e.g., size, number of years of implementation). The implications of the findings for SWPBIS assessment and intervention in the classroom are discussed.

Schools across the country are facing the demand to provide rigorous educational opportunities to a highly diverse population of learners requiring various levels of academic and behavior support. The most recent reauthorization of the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act (2004) provided the impetus for an increased focus on empirically supported practices. However, simply electing to adopt evidence-based practices without attending to the implementation process is unlikely to improve outcomes (Fixsen, Blase, Duda, Naoom, & Van Dyke, 2010). Implementation abandonment, wherein schools discontinue the use of effectively implemented practices in place of new ones each year, is commonplace in schools across the country (Adelman & Taylor, 2003). This phenomenon carries costs with regard to system resources, including financial losses and reduced staff buy-in, as well as student outcomes (McIntosh et al., 2013). Empirical research shows that assessing fidelity and using those data to inform action planning can increase sustainability and decrease the likelihood of abandoning effective practices (McIntosh, Kim, Mercer, Strickland-Cohen, & Horner, 2015). One effective and widely implemented practice is schoolwide positive behavioral interventions and supports (SWPBIS; Sugai & Horner, 2009), a three-tiered framework that promotes the use of positive and preventive approaches to behavior support at a systems level. More than 21,000 schools in the United States have adopted SWPBIS in efforts to establish positive, safe, predictable, and consistent school climates (Horner, 2014). Research indicates that high fidelity of implementation of SWPBIS is associated with improved student and teacher outcomes, including an increase in student perception of school safety, a reduction in number of office discipline referrals (ODRs), a decrease in student use of school counseling services, growth in academic achievement, and an increase in teacher self-efficacy (Bradshaw,

During the 2011-2012 school year, almost 3.4 million elementary and secondary students in the United states received at least one in-school suspension (ISS), whereas 3.1 million received at least one out-of-school suspension (OSS; Snyder, de Brey, & Dillow, 2016). Nearly one quarter of a million students engaged in behaviors that resulted in referrals to law enforcement, and more than 64,000 students were arrested for acts that occurred on school grounds or during off-campus school activities such as transportation. In addition, over 166,000 students were disciplined with corporal punishment despite it being outlawed in public schools in 31 states. Further analysis of these actions reveals disproportionate disciplinary consequences among races/ethnicities and students with disabilities (SWD). Black students were more likely to receive most of the disciplinary actions compared with other races/ethnicities. Hispanic and American Indian/Alaska Native students were also generally more likely to be disciplined than White students. While SWD received almost 2 times the number of in-school and OSSs than their typically developing peers. These outcomes are consistent with previous research (

In breast cancer (BC), tissue stiffening via fibronectin (FN) and collagen accumulation is associated with advanced disease progression at both the primary tumor and metastatic sites. Here, we evaluate FN production in 15 BC cell lines, representing a variety of subtypes, phenotypes, metastatic potentials, and chemotherapeutic sensitivities. We demonstrate that intracellular and soluble FN is initially lost during tumorigenic transformation but is rescued in all lines with epithelial-mesenchymal plasticity (EMP). Importantly, we establish that no BC cell line was able to independently organize a robust FN matrix. Non-transformed mammary epithelial cells were also unable to deposit FN matrices unless transglutaminase 2, a FN crosslinking enzyme, was overexpressed. Instead, BC cells manipulated the FN matrix production of fibroblasts in a phenotypic-dependent manner. In addition, varied accumulation levels were seen depending if the fibroblasts were conditioned to model paracrine signaling or endocrine signaling of the metastatic niche. In the former, fibroblasts conditioned by BC cultures with high EMP resulted in the largest FN matrix accumulation. In contrast, mesenchymal BC cells produced extracellular vesicles (EV) that resulted in the highest levels of matrix formation by conditioned fibroblasts. Overall, we demonstrate a dynamic relationship between tumor and stromal cells within the tumor microenvironment, in which the levels and fibrillarization of FN in the extracellular matrix are modulated during the particular stages of disease progression.

According to the most recent data from the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights, over three million students receive one or more in-school suspension and just over three million students receive one or more out-of-school suspension each year (U.S. Department of Education, 2016). Of those being suspended, a student with a disability is over twice as likely to be suspended as a student without a disability, while Black males are three and a half times more likely to be suspended than White students. Although school suspension, a widely used form of disciplinary exclusion, is a consequence for a behavioral incident in school (e.g., fighting, disrespect, theft), suspensions have concerning short-and long-term consequences. Suspensions reduce the amount of time students are in class and receiving instruc