The United States relies on carceralism—mass incarceration and institutionalization, surveillance and control—for its continued operation. The criminalization of difference, particularly in relation to race, disability and queerness, renders certain people as perpetually subject to state violence due to their perceived unruliness. This article relies on two case studies, in Toledo, Ohio and Brooklyn, New York to question the construction and co-optation of vulnerability by state agents and focus on interrelated instances of state violence done under the guise of protectionism of and from unruly subjects. We then discuss the response to these instances of violence- from the state in the form of carceral ableism and sanism, and from local activists trying to navigate the shifting contours of protectionist violence by enacting queer transformative justice.

<p>In this essay, I argue for a theoretico-practical accountability to difference and belonging in feminist philosophy and theory that requires attentiveness to disability as an important vector of power, normativity, and oppression. My insistence on accountability echoes the many appeals to confront and take account of one's own ableist, white supremacist, cisgendered forms of privilege (while simultaneously working to dismantle more systemic forms of privilege) that disabled feminists, feminists of color, and transgender feminists have made.<a href="file:///J:/Working%20Groups/Knowledge%20Bank/KB%20DSQ/content/dsq_v33_04_2013_fall/Raw/Rakes%20FINAL.doc#_edn1">[i]</a> Following Eli Clare and Aimee Carrillo Rowe, I consider how an ongoing accountability to intersectionality and embodiment in a politics of relation can avoid the exclusionary logics at work in feminist philosophical and theoretical invocations of "gender, race, and class," or "gender, race, and sexuality" that consistently ignore disability, among other identifications, as constitutive productions of structural power. An embodied and intersectional feminist refiguring of subjectivity that attends to race, class, age, disability, cis/gender, and sexuality, among other axes of difference, should be recognized as an important requirement of accountability for feminist philosophers and theorists, especially feminist philosophers and theorists who are privileged along one or more of these axes of power.</p> <div><br /> <hr size="1" /><div><p><a href="file:///J:/Working%20Groups/Knowledge%20Bank/KB%20DSQ/content/dsq_v33_04_2013_fall/Raw/Rakes%20FINAL.doc#_ednref1">[i]</a> Aurora Levins Morales (1998), frames this accountability as &ldquo;the willingness to examine and dismantle our own privilege and take full responsibility for remaking the world so that neither we nor anyone else can hold it again&rdquo; (94).&nbsp;</p><p>Keywords:<em> </em>belonging; relationality; feminism; disability; queer; transgender</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p></div></div>

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Queering Urban Justice: Queer of Colour Formations in Toronto is a painstaking and generative collection that situates the spatial and temporal legacies and continuing work of queer and trans people of color (QTPOC) in Toronto, with particular emphasis on Black and Indigenous queer and trans activisms. It's a collection with multiple methodologies that blend activist praxis with both academic theory and theory from grassroots-activist knowledge-building. Although queer theory and critical theory are cited consistently throughout the chapters of the book, they are tools used in service to activist praxis, rather than the other way around. Relatedly, the strength of this book lies in its collaborative praxis of putting it together, which Jin Haritaworn, Ghaida Moussa, Syrus Ware, and Río Rodríguez address in the acknowledgments and introduction. From here on I will refer to them as "the Collective," to highlight the collaboration as well as the specificity that not all four are editors and all have significantly contributed to shaping the book through decision-making about the collection as well as their own respective contributions. They write, "It takes a collective to collect work that is collective" (viii) and emphasize the commitment to collaboration throughout the chapters themselves. The range of approaches reflects this as well, with an interview, a roundtable, and several co-authored chapters. Indeed, less than half of the collected chapters are single-authored. This book will be crucial for college courses in gender studies, queer and trans studies, ethnic studies, Black studies, and Asian American and API studies. Queering Urban Justice is important reading for scholars and researchers in these areas of inquiry as well. It's useful also for activists transnationally; many cities struggle under globalized white supremacy and US-based, "one-size-fits-all" models, whereas all of the contributors to the book are highly specific in their analyses, so what resonates in different locales can be helpful. The Collective doesn't note this explicitly, so I want to highlight the important choice regarding which, among the eleven chapters, are the final two. The second-to-last chapter (10) critiques coming out as a required script of visibility and legibility that doesn't work for a lot of QTPOC and includes interviews with local and diasporic queers of color. The final chapter is on Indigeneity: where the movement has grown in its commitments and where it needs to further embed Indigenous perspectives in activism. "Coming out"-even the critique of coming out as a white, settler-

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