This article focuses on the rise of domestic outsourcing in the high-tech industry in the Galilee in northern Israel. Outsourcing has emerged as a selfproclaimed mode of development targeting Palestinian citizens of Israel. This industry has expanded significantly in the past decade, attracting lucrative funds from public and private sources, and it has received widespread acclaim. Firms in this industry tend to have ties to the Israeli security establishment, a key player in the architecture of high-tech in Israel. At the same time, a Palestinian capitalist class has coalesced around this industry, embracing the discourse of technology and globalization as forms of self-empowerment. I argue that separation-in terms of wages and physical spaces-is a core operational characteristic within this industry, yet firms simultaneously invoke development as part of their organizational cultures, particularly the integration of Palestinian labor into the Israeli economy, empowerment of women, and peacemaking. Locating the practice of domestic outsourcing within a history of subcontracting to the Galilee, I illustrate that this "new" and "innovative" industry builds on established patterns that reinscribe Palestinian workers as a cheaper labor force. These practices illustrate the intertwinement of inclusion and exclusion within neoliberal economic development as well as the mutual production of Palestinians of 1948 as subjects of Israeli capitalism and colonialism.
Looming decisions on arms control and strategic weapon procurements in a range of nuclear-armed states are set to shape the international security environment for decades to come. In this context, it is crucial to understand the concepts, theories, and debates that condition nuclear policymaking. This review essay dissects the four editions of The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy, the authoritative intellectual history of its subject. Using this widely acclaimed work as a looking glass into the broader field of nuclear security studies, we interrogate the field's underlying assumptions and question the correspondence between theory and practice in the realm of nuclear policy. The study of nuclear strategy, we maintain, remains largely committed to an interpretive approach that invites analysts to search for universal axioms and to abstract strategic arguments from the precise circumstances of their occurrence. While this approach is useful for analysing the locutionary dimension of strategic debates, it risks obscuring the power structures, vested interests, and illocutionary forces shaping nuclear discourse. In the conclusion, we lay out avenues for future scholarship.
Shopping centres are products and indicators of consumerism. In the case of Israel/Palestine, where shopping malls have spread since the mid-1980s, they have acquired political meanings beyond the widespread conception of consumer-choice-as-freedom, as they also claim to advance coexistence in a context marked by ethnic segregation. We perceive shopping centres as 'non-places', following the work of Marc Augé, and analyse two overarching ideologies that coalesce in the shopping centre, in alignment with the political economy of Israel/Palestine. The first is liberal peace, which underpins the remnants of the Oslo process, but in an individualised form. The second is securitism, which presents shopping centres as a secure island in a sea of inter-ethnic violence. This image is taken apart throughout the article on the basis of ethnographic and discourse-analytical research on four sites in Israel, Jerusalem, and the occupied West Bank, focusing on the ways Palestinian consumers experience Israeli shopping centres.
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