fall and drought where they can survive in a state of dormancy until favorable conditions return.Spinifex species are usually divided into two informal groups based on their different growth forms, distributions and physiology. The so-called 'hard' species (which include, among others, Triodia basedowii E.Pritz., Triodia irritans R.Br., Triodia longiceps J.M.Black and Triodia wiseana C.A.Gardner) have closely packed, rigid leaves which are almost impossible to touch, while 'soft' species (which include, among others, Triodia bynoei (C.E.Hubb.) Lazarides, Triodia helmsii (C.E.Hubb.) Lazarides, Triodia microstachya R.Br. and Triodia pungens R.Br.) have relatively loosely arranged, less rigid leaves that can be comparatively more easily handled. Soft species tend to be more common in the northern half of the continent where they form a more or less continuous cover, rather than the discrete, rounded hummock habit of the hard species (Moore 2005:210; see Figure 1). The primary difference between the soft and hard spinifex groups relates to their ability to produce resin. As detailed by Burbidge (1946), The Point of Spinifex: Aboriginal uses of spinifex grasses in AustraliaHeidi T. Pitman and Lynley A. Wallis Research AbstractFor thousands of years spinifex grasses were utilized by Indigenous Australians, most commonly for the production of resin that was then used as a hafting adhesive. While varying levels of knowledge about this particular use are retained in Indigenous communities, museum collections serve as a valuable repository of little known information about a multitude of other uses of spinifex including ornamental, medicinal, structural and ceremonial functions. In this paper we describe the range of uses of spinifex, based on examinations of objects and photographs held in various museum collections, coupled with reviews of the ethnographic and ethnohistoric literature. This study (1) brings together disparate sources of knowledge about Indigenous uses of spinifex that are not well known among the scientific community and (2) demonstrates the value of museum collections for Indigenous communities seeking to 'reconnect' with aspects of socalled 'lost traditional culture'.

Changes in diet and associated lifestyle are occurring at growing rates throughout developing Pacific Island countries as people navigate the challenges and opportunities of an increasingly globalised world. This nutrition transition, characterised by an increase in imported foods high in refined starch, sugar and saturated fat, is resulting in an epidemic of obesity and other diseases such as diabetes and heart disease (Caballero and Popkin 2002). Furthermore, these dietary changes, principally the reduction of local food production and consumption, are attenuating the maintenance of and value assigned to some aspects of cultural heritage, including Indigenous knowledge and local resource stewardship . In addition to contending with the impacts of climate change, these circumstances unveil concerns regarding a secure and self-determining food future for Today the biodiversity hotspot of Marovo Lagoon is home to more than 13,000 people scattered throughout some 50 coastal villages. Traditionally based on subsistence swidden gardening and the harvesting of a variety of forest and marine resources, the Marovo food system has been influenced by a long history of cultural exchange, colonialism and, more recently, integration into a cash economy and increasing involvement in global food markets (Hviding 1996a). Local food resources continue to play a vital role in the contemporary Marovo diet however these are increasingly being replaced with nutritionally inferior cheap food imports such as white rice and instant noodles.My research demonstrates that, shadowing trends observed in the capital of Honiara (Jourdan 2010), white rice is the most important and influential imported food eaten in Marovo Lagoon. In fact the convenience of rice, amongst other factors, has facilitated its ongoing and increasing popularity to such an extent that it has undertaken a process of 'glocalisation' -amalgamation of the local and global -to become a central component of Marovo food culture. Today rice often replaces ii locally grown root vegetables to constitute the main staple component of meals. It has also become integrated into traditional systems of reciprocity and feasting; activities that play fundamental social and political roles in Marovo society.The Marovo 'way of life' is undergoing significant change as Marovo people put increasing reliance on imported foods, rather than subsistence gardening, to meet their dietary needs. This thesis explores how these transitions are negatively impacting the maintenance of, and values assigned to, some aspects of Marovo cultural heritage [kastom]. Meanwhile, other elements are evolving, being strengthened and even being constructed, e.g. rice as kastom. Through this process, Marovo people are adding to current knowledge of, and values associated with food, while also constructing new meanings of food and food related activities.My findings in Marovo Lagoon demonstrate a partial nutrition transition, but also, and perhaps more importantly, a transition in values relating to the loc...

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