No abstract

This paper investigates Tagalog Ā-extraction, considering cases conforming with and cases violating the well-known Tagalog extraction restriction. A unified analysis is proposed using properties of the lower phase and ways this boundary can be circumvented. Two mechanisms are available for this purpose. First, arguments may escape the lower phase through independently attested operations. Second, the phase is transparent to clause-peripheral Ā-probes when material from the inflectional domain is absent. This proposal accounts for the expanded range of phenomena considered, which poses problems for the predominant approach to Tagalog Ā-extraction, where Ā-probes must target the highest c-commanded DP.

The Tagalog Ability / Involuntary Action (AIA) verbal form conveys apparently unrelated modal meanings: that an action was within what an agent could do or that it was beyond what an agent could control, for instance. Recent analyses for the Malagasy and St'át'imcets counterparts of this form propose that this morphology contributes circumstantial modality and conveys, roughly, that the event that it describes follows from a set of facts (Davis, Matthewson & Rullmann 2009;Paul, Ralalaoherivony & de Swart 2016). In Alonso-Ovalle & Hsieh forthcoming we discuss some challenges for extending this type of analysis to Tagalog. Here, we present an alternative proposal. We follow previous analyses in assuming that the AIA form projects its domain of possibilities from a set of facts, but depart from these analyses in proposing (i) that the modal component of the Tagalog AIA form is non-at-issue and (ii) that it conveys, via a presupposition, that, given the facts that the described event is assumed to causally depend on, this event was not expected.

The Tagalog Ability/Involuntary Action (aia) verbal form conveys apparently unrelated modal meanings: that an action was within what an agent could do or that it was beyond what an agent could control, for instance. Recent analyses for the Malagasy and St’át’imcets counterparts of this form propose that this morphology contributes circumstantial modality and conveys, roughly, that the event described follows from a set of facts ( Davis et al., 2009; Paul et al., 2016). We discuss some challenges for extending this type of analysis to Tagalog and present an alternative proposal. We follow previous analyses in assuming that the aia form projects its domain of possibilities from a set of facts, but depart from these analyses by proposing (i) that the modal component of the Tagalog aia form is non-at-issue and (ii) that it conveys, via a presupposition, that this event was not expected given the facts that the described event is taken to causally depend on.