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Subjects in China, Japan, and the United States reported probability judgments. In Study 1, Chinese and American subjects indicated degrees of certainty about their answers to general-knowledge questions with discrete alternatives, e.g., whether potatoes grow better in warm or in cool climates. In Study 2, Japanese subjects made similar discrete-alternative assessments. In Study 3, subjects in China and the United States reported probability distribution judgments for various quantities, e.g., the maximum temperature on a specified day. Judgment accuracy was evaluated overall and with respect to several underlying accuracy dimensions. The overall quality of discretealternative judgments was indistinguishable among the subjects from the three countries. The accuracy component patterns of the Japanese and American subjects were essentially the same. However, the Chinese subjects achieved the common overall accuracy level very differently. On some accuracy dimensions, e.g., calibration, the American and Japanese subjects' judgments were superior. On others, e.g., discrimination, the assessments of the Chinese subjects excelled. Results for quantity judgments were similar to those for disCrete alternative judgments, although there were notable differences. Potential explanations and implications are discussed. 8 1x39 Academic RCSS, I~C.

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The choice behavior of second-, fourth-, and sixth-grade children from five different cultural backgrounds was observed in the Maximizing Difference Game, an outcome interdependence task where individualistic and cooperative motives were placed in opposition to competitive ones. In four of the cultures, boys received either social comparison feedback or only information concerning their own cumulative scores. As predicted, the level of competitive responding increased as a function of age, social comparison information, and number of trials. Further, there were systematic cultural differences. A newly developed covariation analysis revealed that individual dyad variation accounted for more covariation than the main effects noted above. Hence, several types of withindyad analyses were performed. Finally, cultures were classified in terms of the characteristic play by dyad members and the results compared with a classification developed by Mead, in which she ordered the cooperative, competitive, and individualistic orientations of members of 13 "primitive" societies.A significant part of human action takes place in settings of outcome interdependence, namely, under conditions where the outcomes experienced by two or more actors are simultaneously dependent upon their own and others' behavior. Through experience in