Comparison is an everyday process of thinking, which is also frequently used in geography lessons. However, in geography pedagogy, the term ‘comparison’ remains vague and insufficiently defined. In this paper, we will propose a clear definition of what comparison is and introduce it as a systematic method for secondary school geography education. This definition and method is the result of our theoretical–conceptual approach, according to which we have analyzed the current academic discussion about scientific comparison and converted it into a method for teaching. We argue that applying comparison as a pedagogical tool may improve students’ skills to argue, reflect, solve problems, and promote good judgement.

This article argues that illegalized migrants carry the potential for social change not only through their acts of resistance but also in their everyday practices. This is the case <em>despite </em>illegalized migrants being the most disenfranchised subjects produced by the European border regime. In line with Jacques Rancière (1999) these practices can be understood as ‘politics’. For Rancière, becoming a political subject requires visibility, while other scholars (Papadopoulos &amp; Tsianos, 2007; Rygiel, 2011) stress that this is not necessarily the case. They argue that political subjectivity can also be achieved via invisible means; important in this discussion as invisibility is an essential strategy of illegalized migrants. The aim of this article is to resolve this binary and demonstrate, via empirical examples, that the two concepts of visibility and imperceptibility are often intertwined in the messy realities of everyday life. In the first case study, an intervention at the ver.di trade union conference in 2003, analysis reveals that illegalized migrants transformed society in their fight for union membership, but also that their visible campaigning simultaneously comprised strategies of imperceptibility. The second empirical section, which examines the employment stories of illegalized migrants, demonstrates that the everyday practices of illegal work can be understood as ‘imperceptible politics’. The discussion demonstrates that despite the exclusionary mechanisms of the existing social order, illegalized migrants are often able to find work. Thus, they routinely undermine the very foundations of the order that produces their exclusions. I argue that this disruption can be analyzed as migrants’ ‘imperceptible politics’, which in turn can be recognized as migrants’ transformative power.

This article argues for an urban citizenship perspective which explores the struggle for rights and the everyday practices of illegalized migrants. Analyzing the concept of Anonymized Health Certificates as a result of such a struggle allows for examination of urban citizenship in this context. The implementation of the Anonymized Health Certificates program would facilitate access to medical care for people who live in the city of Berlin but are excluded from this right due to their lack of residency status. However, such a perspective also makes it possible to examine the limitation of the Anonymized Health Certificates, which would allow illegalized migrants in Berlin to circumvent access barriers, while at the same time the exclusion mechanisms of these barriers would remain uncontested at the national level. Whilst Anonymize Health Certificates will greatly improve access to medical care, illegalized migrants have by no means been passive subjects and have been actively rejecting their exclusion from health care: Practices include sharing health insurance cards with friends, visiting doctors who help for free as a form of solidarity, and sharing information about these doctors within their social networks. Even if they do not contest the social order visibly, they refuse to passively accept their social exclusion. Illegalized migrants perform such practices of urban citizenship in their everyday life as they actively take ownership of their rights to participate in urban life, even whilst being formally denied these rights.

Wie lebt es sich ohne Aufenthaltspapiere in Deutschland? Der Alltag illegalisierter Migrant*innen ist durch Entrechtungen geprägt. Holger Wilcke zeigt, dass papierlose Migrant*innen dennoch nicht als passive Opfer missverstanden werden sollten, sondern vielmehr über Handlungsmacht verfügen: Sie arbeiten ohne Arbeitserlaubnis, sie organisieren sich Wohnraum, obwohl sie offiziell keinen Mietvertrag unterschreiben können, und sie verschaffen sich ohne Krankenversicherung Zugang zu medizinischer Versorgung. Als politische Subjekte nehmen sie sich - oft unwahrnehmbar - Rechte, die ihnen formal nicht zustehen, und transformieren unentwegt die Gesellschaft, welche ihre Ausschlüsse produziert.

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