Creativity is a popular but heterogeneous word in educational parlance these days. By looking at a selection of recent discourses that refer to creativity to sustain their positions, the paper suggests that two key themes emerge, both with questionable assumptions. Romantic individualists would return us to a naïve bygone age of authentic selfexpression, while politicians and economists would use the term instrumentally by binding it to the future needs of the workforce without questioning substantive issues. Cultural theories of creativity indicate pathways out.
Anthony Feiler, senior lecturer in special needs, and Howard Gibson, senior lecturer in language and literature (both at Bath Spa University College),suggest that within the field of special educational needs the movement towards inclusion is endangered. Four key threats are explored: the lack of precisionin definitions of inclusion; the lack of research evidence; the tendency for some children to experience what is termed ‘internal exclusion’ inschools; and the continuing inclination to label children (as an example of labelling the media’s presentation of the term dyslexia is examined). Theauthors argue that if inclusion is to take hold in schools more attention needs to be paid to these threats.
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THE INCLUSION OF PSEUDOWORDS WITHIN THE YEAR ONE PHONICS 'SCREENING CHECK' IN ENGLISH PRIMARY SCHOOLS Howard Gibson and Jennifer England AbstractThe paper highlights problems surrounding the Year 1 Phonics Screening Check that has accompanied the legislative framework for synthetic phonics in English primary schools. It investigates the inclusion of pseudowords and raises questions regarding their generation and categorization, the rationale for their inclusion and the assumption that the early ability to read pseudowords is associated with later success in reading. It draws upon evidence from comparative European orthographic studies employing pseudowords that have implications for the way English pupils learn to read.
During his quest for leadership of the English Conservative Party, David Cameron declared his intention to turn Britain into a Big Society. In May 2010, having gained office as Prime Minister, he unveiled a string of policies to bring his vision to fruition. After five years, however, talk of the Big Society has withered in public debate such that today only the press refer to it, and then as a policy in decline. This article argues that as an attempt to revitalise citizenship and local communities, and deal with the apparent ills of state centralism and liberal atomism, it was destined to fail. This is because it coincided, intentionally some have said, with an austerity crisis that made talk of the Big Society politically feasible; left Big Capitalism, the cause of austerity, untouched; was seemingly reticent to divert power to localities; under-theorised the nature and complexity of modern communities; and was an attempt at depoliticisation by diverting risk to bodies such as charities and schools.
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