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Almost a decade ago, the Kerner Commission warned that this country was moving toward two societies-one white and one black. Data on residential segregation indicate clear-cut boundaries for these two societies-large cities are becoming black but most suburban areas remain white. Detroit is a case in point and this led the 1976 Detroit Area Study to investigate the sources of racial residential segregation. Our approach was guided by three hypothesized causes of this segregation: (i) the economic status of blacks, (ii) the preference of blacks to be with their own kind, and (iii) the resistance of whites to residential integration. %d I d e eve ope several new measurement techniques and found that most evidence supported the third hypothesis. Blacks in the Detroit area can afford suburban housing and both blacks and whites are quite knowledgable about the housing market. Most black respondents expressed a preference for mixed neighborhoods and are willing to enter such areas. Whites, on the other hand, are reluctant to remain in neighborhoods where blacks are moving in and will not buy homes in already integrated areas. This last result has been overlooked by traditional measures of white attitudes toward residential integration but emerges clearly with the new measure.

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Changes in attitude question form, wording, and context have repeatedly been shown to produce change in responses. It is often assumed that such response effects are less pronounced among individuals whose attitudes are intense, personally important, or held with great certainty. We report the results of 27 experiments conducted in national surveys designed to evaluate this hypothesis. Measures of attitude intensity, importance, and certainty were found not to differentiate individuals who show response effects from those who do not. We discuss possible explanations for these counterintuitive findings.

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