Introduction. In the processes of nation building and integration, it is particularly important to increase the consolidation potential of emerging communities through identity politics. The totality of challenges, threats and risks determines the need for a balanced combination of its dimensions, taking into account national and common interests of countries. In the post-Soviet space, the Union State of Belarus and Russia acts as a platform for dialogue. The aim of the study is to outline the contours of the construct of supranational identity within the framework of the Union State and to define the degree of its conjugation with the category of “national identityˮ in the discursive practices of the political leadership of Russia and Belarus. Materials and Methods. The study is based on official documents representing the specifics of interpretation of identity politics by the presidents of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, as well as on materials associated with the functioning of the Union State. Content analysis, the comparative method, and scenario analysis were employed when examining the documents. Results. The research and expert assessments of the internal and external dimensions of the identity politics of the member states, as well as the basic and derived categories of the official discourse have been analyzed; the constants and dominants, similarities and differences in the stands of Russia and Belarus have been revealed. It has also been demonstrated that there has been no fundamental contradiction in their understanding of the priorities of nation and Union building. At the same time, disagreements on a number of topical issues have been identified. The leitmotif of the official discourse is giving absolute priority to sovereignty, which has an ambiguous effect on the course of the integration of Russia and Belarus. Discussion and Conclusion. The conducted study has confirmed the hypothesis that identity politics is multilevel for the states involved in integration-oriented interaction; at the current stage, it remains complex and incomplete. The states demonstrate prevalence of the internal dimension of identity politics and “restrictiveˮ perception of its external dimension, which affects the prospects for promoting the construct of “dualˮ identity. At the same time, the Union State remains an essential integration format for Russia from the geopolitical and civilizational perspective. The approach proposed by the authors and the results obtained, which articulate the correlation of tasks in terms of nation building and integration policy, may help to improve the efficiency of political governance.

The article explores the experience of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in the formation and implementation of the ideology of patriotism and the state policy of patriotic education. The context of nation-building processes is considered along with approaches to formulating a national idea and national (civic) identity. Particular attention is paid to the discourse of the authorities. Through a comparative political analysis, the general and special characteristics of the models introduced in the EAEU countries constants and dominants of discursive practices are revealed. The argumentation of representatives of the top political leadership in their attitudes to the proposed guidelines and priorities of socio-political development through an appeal to the value component taking into account the relationship of internal and external dimensions is shown. It is emphasized the lack of demand for the ethnocentric model of patriotic discourse and the relevant practices of political actors due to the complex composition of the population of most countries of the Union and other internal and geopolitical circumstances. At the same time the commitment to constructive orientation, the absolutization of sovereignty, and the motivation and positions that impede the adoption of balanced integration decisions can be revealed. It is suggested that the national idea of Russia cannot be limited to patriotism and that its de-politicization and de-ideologization cannot be absolutized.

Аннотация. Введение. Обучение в современной высшей школе, кроме углубленной теоретической подготовки, предполагает формирование практических умений и универсальных профессиональных навыков, способствующих повышению квалификации будущих специалистов и их успешной карьере. Особым направлением совершенствования профессиональной компетентности и обязательным фактором общекультурного развития личности студента является его участие в научно-исследовательской работе (НИР), создающее предпосылки для качественного изменения всей трудовой деятельности через приобретение способностей целесообразно действовать в рабочих ситуациях, самостоятельно эффективно решать задачи и проблемы, адекватно оценивать результаты своего труда. Однако активному включению обучающихся в НИР препятствует недостаток ориентиров, следуя которыми можно было бы восполнить слабые знания методологии и техники проведения исследований. Это в полной мере относится и к студентам политологических специальностей, что актуализирует дескрипцию исследовательских политологических практик.Цель статьи -в качестве учебного образца на конкретном примере раскрыть особенности организационных и технологических процедур комплексных социально-политических прикладных исследований.Методология и методы. В процессе работы применялись общенаучные и специальные методы и подходы: формализация, абстрагирование, сравни-Разработка программы прикладного исследования как инструмент становления исследовательской компетентности будущих политологов (на примере темы «Пространственное развитие России как фактор нациестроительства и формирования национальной идеи») Образование и наука. Том 21, № 9.

Objective: it is supposed to characterize the main directions of research in the field of spatial development of Russia at the present stage, aimed at identifying problems and opportunities in this area; correlating the provisions of theoretical discourse and official documents of the Russian Federation; substantiating the ways of further spatial development of Russia. Model: The study is based on a comprehensive approach to understanding the Russian space and the spatial development of the country, with an emphasis on the combination of factors of “internal geopolitics” and the external environment. The concepts of “multiplication and delocalization of risks”, “identity policy vacuum”, “security vulnerabilities” and some others are taken into account, which allow us to form a holistic view of their essence and dynamics. Conclusions: there are similarities and differences in the theoretical discourse and official documents of the Russian Federation, the main trends and probable prospects for the spatial development of the country. The danger of negative or conservative scenarios is emphasized due to the remaining vulnerabilities in various spatial fields and segments, in the political and managerial plane, as well as risks of external origin. The article shows the trend of increasing complexity of spatial organization and composition of Russia in conjunction with the diversification of vectors of identity relations. Practical significance and scope of the research: the results obtained can be applied in the field of theoretical development of problems of spatial development, identity policy, in expert support of the process of forming and implementing political decisions, in the areas of national, integration and foreign policy of the Russian Federation. Originality/value. This work is intended for specialists who study the problems of improving political governance mechanisms, Central-regional and interregional relations, and ensuring the national security of the Russian Federation.

The purpose of the article is to study patriotism in the system of value orientations of students, as well as tools for forming patriotic consciousness in the perspective of improving the state policy of Russia. The value core of student youth includes mainly intangible personal values; patriotism is included in the system "We are the feelings". The vulnerabilities are proposed to be leveled by changing the conceptual approaches, technologies for organizing civil and patriotic education; the complexity of the impact of various socialization agents is important. Public policy should be adjusted through monitoring of the federal cross-section as well as through the analysis of private cases of educational institutions.