In recent work on null subject languages it has been claimed that preverbal subjects are always (clitic-) clitic--left dislocated XPs with respect to minimality effects, the existence of languages with a mixed system (null expletive subjects and full referential ones), language acquisition data, the behavior of negative QPs and interpretation facts, and propose a non-uniform analysis of preverbal subjects and clitic-left dislocated XPs that derives their topic interpretation from a predication rule stated configurationally (section 2). Our account of the SVO and VSO orders displayed in European Portuguese relies on a specific formulation of the EPP parameter, on the locality constraint Attract Closest X and on the independently motivated claim that V-movement targets T in European Portuguese (section 3). Under our analysis, the computational system generates equally economical SVO and VSO derivations and discourse considerations, at the appropriate interface, rule out the unfelicitous ones.

This paper discusses the distribution of inflected infinitives in standard and non-standard European Portuguese. In the standard variety, inflected infinitives are generally available in non-obligatory control contexts (subject and adjunct clauses), but can only occur in obligatory control contexts when the temporal orientation of the complement is not specified by the matrix verb. An explanation for this fact is offered along the lines of an Agree theory of control. This analysis also accounts for the possibility of controlled inflected infinitives, which occur in non-standard varieties of European Portuguese. Controlled inflected infinitives bear morphological inflection but do not license nominative. We argue that these non-standard inflected infinitives make the Agree operation underlying control visible (this operation does not have a morphologically overt counterpart in the standard grammar of EP). We also argue that some speakers accept these pseudoinflected infinitives as a strategy to make partial control readings explicit in independent tense contexts. AbstractThis paper discusses the distribution of inflected infinitives in standard and non-standard European Portuguese. In the standard variety, inflected infinitives are generally available in non-obligatory control contexts, but can only occur in obligatory control contexts when the temporal orientation of the complement is not specified by the matrix verb. An explanation for this fact is offered along the lines of an Agree theory of control. This analysis also accounts for the possibility of controlled inflected infinitives, which bear morphological inflection but which cannot license nominative, occurring in non-standard varieties of European Portuguese: they are considered the result of the spell out of the Agree operation that takes place in control contexts.

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The delivery of therapeutic proteins remains a challenge, despite recent technological advances. While the delivery of proteins to the lungs is the gold standard for topical and systemic therapy through the lungs, the issue still exists. While pulmonary delivery is highly attractive due to its non-invasive nature, large surface area, possibility of topical and systemic administration, and rapid absorption circumventing the first-pass effect, the absorption of therapeutic proteins is still ineffective, largely due to the immunological and physicochemical barriers of the lungs. Most studies using spray-drying for the nanoencapsulation of drugs focus on the delivery of conventional drugs, which are less susceptible to bioactivity loss, compared to proteins. Herein, the development of polymeric nanoparticles by spray-drying for the delivery of therapeutic proteins is reviewed with an emphasis on its advantages and challenges, and the techniques to evaluate their in vitro and in vivo performance. The protein stability within the carrier and the features of the carrier are properly addressed.