The AK Party government's Middle Eastern approach indicated a change from those of previous governments. Whilst aiming to conduct an active and influential political role in the Middle East, they have attempted to achieve 'zero problems' in their relations with neighbors as well as closer contact. This article examines Turkey's relations with one of the states in the region -Iran. Under modified regional policy, the Turkish government aimed to maintain and expand relations with Iran. Particularly, strategic calculations on security, energy and economy are influential in transformation of the Turkish attitude towards Iran. At the same time, Iran appears willing to improve relations with Turkey for pragmatic reasons. What is evident for both countries is that though they both are tempting to improve mutual relations, they are at the same time searching ways to consolidate their regional role. In this connection, this article argues that there is a pragmatic rapprochement between the two countries.

It has been almost three years since the eruption of the civil war in Yemen by March 2015, leading to high political instability and severe humanitarian crisis. This article elaborates on the civil war in Yemen by focusing on the interests of main actors, who are involved in the ongoing conflict. The article also evaluates the nature of civil war in Yemen, mainly questioning the liability of describing the tension as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. In recent years, there has been a tendency to explain Yemeni conflict through the lens of a religious struggle between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi'a Iran in order to reinforce their control over the region. It is argued in this study that it would be misleading to call Yemen's ongoing crisis as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The tension did not emerge as a result of clash of interests by these two countries. Rather it would be fair to suggest that involvement of Saudi Arabia and Iran in Yemen's civil war further triggered and complicated the already existing tensions in the country. The outcome is a complex pattern of conflict which the author of this article argues is indeed different from a proxy war. TESAM Yemen'de Devam Etmekte Olan Çatışma: Bir Vekalet Savaşı mı?Öz Mart 2015'de patlak vermesinin üzerinden yaklaşık üç yıl geçen Yemen'deki iç savaş, yoğun siyasi istikrarsızlık ve vahim insani krize neden olmuştur. Bu makale, Yemen'deki iç savaşı, savaşta yer alan aktörler ve çıkarlarına odaklanarak detaylı olarak incelemektedir. Makale ayrıca Yemen'deki iç savaşın doğasını, temel olarak bu gerilimi Suudi Arabistan ve İran arasında bir vekalet savaşı olarak tanımlamanın geçerliliğini sorgulayarak değerlendirmektedir. Son yıllarda, Yemen'deki çatışmayı, bölge üzerinde kontrollerini güçlendirmek amacıyla, Sünni Suudi Arabistan ile Şii İran arasında yaşanmakta olan dini bir mücadele olarak açıklama eğilimi vardır. Çalışma, Yemen'de devam etmekte olan krizi, Suudi Arabistan ile İran arasında bir vekalet savaşı olarak tanımlamanın yanıltıcı olacağını savunmaktadır. Burada; gerilim, söz konusu iki ülkenin çıkarlarının çatışması sonucu ortaya çıkmamıştır. Daha ziyade, Suudi Arabistan ve İran'ın Yemen'in iç savaşında taraf olmaları, ülkede devam etmekte olan gerilimi daha karmaşık hale getirmek suretiyle arttırmıştır. Sonuç karışık yapıda bir çatışma olsa da, bu makalenin yazarı bunun kesin olarak vekalet savaşından farklı olduğu görüşünü savunmaktadır.

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China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East has traditionally been shaped by its national interests based on energy security, arms exports, and technology transfers. To complement its interest-driven regional policies, China has expanded its diplomatic contacts and promoted cultural ties. Over the last two decades, China has also engaged in conflict management in several regional issues, despite its declared commitment to nonintervention in other countries’ domestic affairs. This article aims to analyze China’s conflict management policies in the region, focusing on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Iran’s nuclear program and the Syrian conflict. Compared with other major external powers, prospects for China’s conflict management seem high given two significant advantages. First, unlike Western powers or Russia, China has not left any bitter taste in the region associated with colonialism, religious or historical engagement. Secondly, China has been careful not to take clear-cut sides in regional conflicts, making itself an ideal candidate to act as an honest broker. It is argued that despite these advantages, Chinese conflict management in the region has remained considerably modest and lacked any practical solutions to the critical problems.