Previous research has demonstrated that voter stereotypes about gender place certain strategic imperatives on female candidates. This study examines the effects of the interplay of candidate gender and campaign strategy using a new data set consisting of survey responses from U.S. House and state legislative candidates who ran for office in 1996 or 1998. We demonstrate that women gain a strategic advantage when they run "as women," stressing issues that voters associate favorably with female candidates and targeting female voters. These findings suggest that one of the keys to success for female candidates is to wage campaigns that use voters' dispositions toward gender as an asset rather than a liability.

The ura-blaster technique for the disruption of Candida albicans genes has been employed in a number of studies to identify possible genes encoding virulence factors of this fungal pathogen. In this study, the URA3-encoded orotidine 5′-monophosphate (OMP) decarboxylase enzyme activities of C. albicans strains with ura-blaster-mediated genetic disruptions were measured. All strains harboring genetic lesions via the ura-blaster construct showed reduced OMP decarboxylase activities compared to that of the wild type when assayed. The activity levels in different gene disruptions varied, suggesting a positional effect on the level of gene expression. Because the URA3 gene ofC. albicans has previously been identified as a virulence factor for this microorganism, our results suggest that decreased virulence observed in strains constructed with the ura-blaster cassette cannot accurately be attributed, in all cases, to the targeted genetic disruption. Although revised methods for validating aURA3-disrupted gene as a target for antifungal drug development could be devised, it is clearly desirable to replaceURA3 with a different selectable marker that does not influence virulence.

BackgroundThe declining prevalence of Active School Transportation (AST) has been accompanied by a decrease in independent mobility internationally. The objective of this study was to compare family demographics and AST related perceptions of parents who let their children walk unescorted to/from school to those parents who escort (walk and drive) their children to/from school. By comparing these groups, insight was gained into how we may encourage greater AST and independent mobility in youth living in the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area, Canada.MethodsThis study involved a cross-sectional design, using data from a self-reported questionnaire (n =1,016) that examined parental perceptions and attitudes regarding AST. A multinomial logistic regression analysis was used to explore the differences between households where children travelled independently to school or were escorted.ResultsFindings revealed that unescorted children were: significantly older, the families spoke predominantly English at home, more likely to live within one kilometer from school, and their parents agreed to a greater extent that they chose to reside in the current neighborhood in order for their child to walk to/from school. The parents of the escorted children worried significantly more about strangers and bullies approaching their child as well as the traffic volume around school.ConclusionsFrom both a policy and research perspective, this study highlights the value of distinguishing between mode (i.e., walking or driving) and travel independence. For policy, our findings highlight the need for planning decisions about the siting of elementary schools to include considerations of the impact of catchment size on how children get to/from school. Given the importance of age, distance, and safety issues as significant correlates of independent mobility, research and practice should focus on the development and sustainability of non-infrastructure programs that alleviate parental safety concerns.

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We explore the roots of tolerance for immigration‐related diversity from a political socialization perspective. Among rural adolescent respondents, we find that attitudes toward immigrants are surprisingly variable along a number of important dimensions: anticipated socioeco‐nomic status, family longevity in the community, and employment in agriculture. The extent to which an adolescent's family is anchored in the community proves to be an important determinant of diversity attitudes. Tolerance for diversity is also contextually conditioned by the percentage of immigrants settled in a neighborhood, and the percentage of the local population employed in farming. Interestingly, lower income youth are more welcoming of immigration than the affluent, particularly when they live near them. Without quite labeling these rural adolescent populations racially “progressive,” the youth we encountered mostly expressed the norms of tolerance and civility essential for avoiding unpleasant intergroup conflict.