Previous research on religious institutions and political participation finds that churches can increase participation among their members through the development of civic skills and the distinct political histories of religious traditions. This paper examines the various ways religious institutions promote the political participation of their members. We utilize the 1990 Citizen Participation Study to test seven hypotheses about the connections between religious institutions and political participation. We find, contrary to previous work, that church-gained civic skills and religious tradition do not directly affect political participation among those currently active in religious institutions. Rather, churches bring their parishioners more effectively into the political process through the recruitment of members to politics and when members come to see their church activity as having political consequences.

Objective. What effect does the extent of economic inequality within a country have on the religiosity of the people who live there? As inequality increases, does religion serve primarily as a source of comfort for the deprived and impoverished or as a tool of social control for the rich and powerful? Methods. This article examines these questions with two complementary analyses of inequality and religiosity: a multilevel analysis of countries around the world over two decades and a time-series analysis of the United States over a half-century. Results. Economic inequality has a strong positive effect on the religiosity of all members of a society regardless of income. Conclusions. These results support relative power theory, which maintains that greater inequality yields more religiosity by increasing the degree to which wealthy people are attracted to religion and have the power to shape the attitudes and beliefs of those with fewer means.Recent work in the sociology of religion has largely neglected the role of economic inequality. This study illustrates the benefits to be gained by reincorporating economic inequality into our understanding of religion by examining whether and how greater inequalities in the distributions of economic resources within societies affect the religiosity of their members. We examine two competing theories of how the extent of economic inequality may influence levels of religiosity: deprivation theory and relative power theory. The first focuses on religion's value to the poor, the second on its utility to the rich. As a result, they yield distinctly different predictions of inequality's effects. We also consider whether increased religiosity could be the source of greater inequality rather than its consequence.To test these rival theories, we present a multilevel analysis of religiosity across dozens of countries over two decades and a time-series analysis of trends in religiosity over half a century in the United States. Our findings provide strong support only for the relative power theory, which maintains n

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Researchers using survey data to study religious commitment often create additive indices in which respondents receive a "point" on the scale for each behavior in which they engage, implicitly assuming that each activity is equally normative in each religious tradition. This has led some scholars to suggest that these scales can be "biased" in favor of evangelicals. In this paper, we introduce a unique series of survey questions asking respondents how important various activities are "for people of your religion." We use these new measures to generate tradition-specific weights for each component of a religious commitment scale according to the activity's perceived importance. We then present a method for constructing scales when such "importance" items are not available, using the frequency of behavior within each religious tradition as a surrogate for importance. We find that constructing religious commitment scales that take into account the normative differences across religious traditions produces statistically significant differences in the levels of commitment by religious tradition, especially among Roman Catholics. However, the substantive significance is less evident. When various measures of religious commitment are included as independent variables in multivariate models of political attitudes, their performance is remarkably similar. It appears that the standard additive indices of religious commitment commonly utilized by scholars of religion and politics are adequate for most analyses of social and political attitudes.

In public opinion research, response latency is a measure of attitude accessibility, which is the ease or swiftness with which an attitude comes to mind when a respondent is presented with a survey question. Attitude accessibility represents the strength of the association in memory between an attitude object and an evaluation of the object. Recent research shows that attitude accessibility, as measured by response latency, casts light on a wide range of phenomena of public opinion and political behavior. We discuss response latency methodology for survey research and advocate the use of latent response latency timers (which are invisible both to respondents and interviewers) as a low cost, low-maintenance alternative to traditional methods of measuring response latency in public opinion surveys. We show that with appropriate model specification latent response latency timers may provide a suitable alternative to the more complicated and expensive interviewer-activated timers.