Using panel data from the Spanish Labour Force Survey (2008–2016), we explore the risks and opportunities of job transitions (to unemployment, inactivity, full-time work and promotion) of female immigrants and natives in part-time work. This is the first study examining the two possible functions of part-time employment (stepping stone or trap) for different types of women across different working time categories. It contributes to the ongoing discussion about the function of non-standard work by applying an intersectional lens. Our results confirm that the signalling of different types of part-time job works positively, although the signal is weaker for immigrant women, particularly for those working in marginal and substantial part-time employment. The main sociodemographic and structural drivers of labour transitions explain only partially the gross migrant–native differences. As female immigrants experience a stronger outsider position, additional determinants of signalling beyond human capital and labour market segmentation factors might be at work.
This paper looks at how migrants with different skill profiles make use of their education in order to avoid unemployment compared with natives in three European countries with significantly different labour markets and policies for attracting highly skilled migration: France, Spain and the UK. The paper also explores the role played by the quality of the education migrants and natives received in accounting for these differentials, an explanation rarely tested in the literature due to a lack of appropriate data. We here use PIAAC data (OECD), which for the first time offers an interesting proxy of the quality of education, namely the cognitive skills of a representative sample of adult workers in our selected countries. The paper reaches three clear conclusions. Firstly, that it is among the most educated that inequality in obtaining returns to education by migrant status reaches a maximum. Secondly, that there are important differences in how this happens across countries, with the UK minimizing migrant-native differentials when compared with France and Spain. And that thirdly, and most surprisingly, differences in cognitive abilities, our proxy of the quality of education, are somewhat irrelevant in explaining this inequality.
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