A wave of urban uprisings swept the planet from 2018 to 2021, throwing protesters into violent collisions with police, confrontations fought out both in the streets and on digital platforms. This paper proposes successive cycles of digitally‐mediated social unrest are passing into a phase marked by protesters’ assemblage of “riot platforms”. It examines the development of such platforms by movements in France, Hong Kong, Chile, Lebanon, Ecuador and elsewhere, and the responses of a police power which is itself increasingly digitalised, examines how these contending dynamics played out in 2020 Black Lives Matter rising, discusses the alt‐right’s Capitol Hill seizure as a digitally‐organised reactionary counter‐riot, and concludes by situating “riot platforms” in planet‐wide processes of political recomposition.

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Withers propose an understanding of the nuances of disability according to six models: the eugenic model, the medical model, the charity model, the rights and social models, and Withers' own radical model. The book begins with eugenics model because, according to its author, eugenics "created the first modern classification of disability" (3). This classification was taken up by the medical model, which "views disability as an individual tragedy and as based within the body" (4). Disability as a tragedy is then reinforced by the charity model "accepting medicalization as the primary way of defining disability" (4). Further, eugenics is for Withers very present and at work in people's everyday life in many different forms and shapes.Especially important, this book stresses that a person who may be considered disabled can also be discriminated against on basis of race, gender, and sexual orientation, among other factors.The characterization of the models that find their roots in eugenics may resemble ableism, Withers, "ableism is a misnomer [because it] implies that one is being oppressed because of (or a perceived lack of) ability when, in reality, one experiences oppression because of disability" (8).In other words, the abilities are there in the disabled person, but they are not recognized. WhatWithers find, however, is disablism: oppression by those in power constituting the medicalindustrial complex "to call us disabled" (107). This classification is then taken up by these models to exploit the disabled image for the benefit of those in power.In regards to the rights and social models, Withers state that, "social theory was important to create disability movements and fight for change. My life is better for it, and I owe the utmost respect to the people who developed the social model" (96). However, oppression and social construction of disabilities, race, gender, sexual orientation, and other forms of oppression continue. Rather than doing the work to finish oppression, the 'disability cheque' that many (but fewer and fewer) receive has served in some cases to accentuate social disparities and inequalities. Instead of solely advocating for a monthly cheque, which in many ways reinforces the status quo of disablism, Withers argue that we ought to fight for the building of community.The social and rights models have focused so much on long-term goals (e.g., paid employment and access to the system) that the short-term necessities such as paying the rent have been left up to the oppressed person to resolve, and hence community-building has not been a priority.The solution to the oppression caused by disablism will come from the radical model.The radical model is a response to the deficiencies of the five previously studied models, which do not address the wide spectrum of oppression that disabled people face as part of their daily lives. Further, as Withers explain: a "foundational component of the radical model is the idea of intersectionality: addressing multiple oppressions together and in conjunction with e...