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Based on analyses of the migration policies of Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco, the overall idea behind this themed issue is to present a comparative study of responses by Arab Mediterranean states to EU foreign and security policy incentives. The themed issue draws on a historical institutionalist line of thought analysing how the given state-to-EU relationships develop or change over time and how institutions form part of and respond to new developments. Taking its point of departure in different dimensions of resilience attributed to the states analysed, this themed issue aims at shedding light on processes of institutional developments in the context of cooperation between the Arab states Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco, and the EU.

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The conflictive targets of achieving security for itself, and assuring basic human rights for irregular migrants, have led to paradox EU migration policies. The increasing perception of (uncontrolled) immigration as a potential security threat has contributed to a migration approach that is driven primarily by principles of defence and deterrence. Focusing on the Mediterranean region, this article points to five paradoxes, in areas where EU immigration policies and actions not only fail to reach their targets but often generate opposite outcomes. This comes at high costs in terms of financial contributions and human losses. In addition, these policies unnecessarily reduce the EU's negotiating power in other policy fields. The article concludes with recommended changes in EU migration policies and calls for an end to the hitherto security-dominated approach to migration.

Egypt's parliament has been broadly excluded from the country's political developments since the 2011 uprisings. The nadir of its influence was reached when the House of Representatives (lower house) was dissolved in summer 2012, followed by the Shura Council (former upper house) in summer 2013. Subsequently, no parliament existed until new elections, repeatedly postponed, were eventually conducted in fall 2015. This delay seemed to be part of the government's strategy, as it used these years without a parliament to draft an electoral law that made formation of a legislature critical of the regime highly unlikely. The repeated electoral postponements also imposed specific burdens on the revolutionary parties that struggled to compete with the former elites. This article examines the contributions of Egypt's parliament to the country's transition trajectory, discusses the relevant changes made to the constitution and electoral law, and concludes that the parliament's contribution to Egypt's development has been limited, and will most probably remain so in the future.