The present study examines attitudes of Druze adolescent in Israel toward Druze women. It was conducted through questionnaires containing questions and statements. Some items related to relative's women, others to women in general. Some items expressed attitudes towards men. It tests the hypothesis that demographic variables influence attitudes toward women. Specifically, the study examined the influence of gender, parent's education, parent's profession, number of siblings, and religion on social status, education, and profession. The study assumed that community composition and particularly the percentage of Druze population within a community influences attitudes of Druze Adolescence toward women. The questionnaires were delivered to 100 Druze 12 th graders. They hailed from three villages: "Yarka, Pqein, and Abo Snan". The research findings indicate that there is a difference between the attitude of boys and of girls toward the status of women regarding education. Both groups, however, ranked education as more important than social status and profession. Residence influences attitude toward the women's status regarding education. Conclusions: 1) The Druze religious leaders (men not Women) influence the status of women and attitudes toward women. Influence varies among the villages. 2) The percentage of Druze in the settlement effects women's status. 3) Girls were more interested than boys in advancing attitudes towards women regarding social status, profession and education.

This article examines the effect of young Druze men's intermarriage (interracial marriage in Israel) on their nuclear family and their extended family in the aspects of culture, society and religion, as well as the internal dynamics between the mixed couples, in an attempt to shed light on the social complexity of the Druze men who had chosen intermarrying and therefore are alienated from their restricted society, a society which is a national ethnic minority that is guided by restricted codes of religions in order to preserve its community from assimilation. This social complexity has not been sufficiently examined in terms of research. In order to answer the issues that were raised in this article, I have conducted depth interviews with 17 Druze men, who had chosen intermarriage rather than conventional ones within the congregation. The objects had to answer controversial issues evoking in their marriage, the relationship with the nuclear family of both spouses, power and gender roles, the raising of children, etc. The findings indicate alienating of the Druze men who were married women of a different religion, that is to say, a complete alienation of the men and their children. This is one of the reasons why the children in these mixed families tend to embrace the lifestyle and religion of the mother, it also explains the great dependency on the wife and her family. For most of the interviewees, the relation to the Druze culture and roots are poor, and the Druze identity is almost nonexistent. The gender roles has also changed in those mixed families, the Druze men feel inferior in relation to their wives, particularly in cases their wife is Jewish, thus, the Druze men are forced to live in their wife's surroundings, to adjust the different cultural, social and religious norms, and to maintain different codes of household regarding the tasks and raising of the children, which differ by far from the Druze society norms.

In cases of intermarriage, both spouses profess different religions. For 50 years, this trend is rising constantly; naturally, it has not skipped the Druze community, even though its religious laws prohibit intermarriage, up to the point of being outcast from the community. The current study focuses on the extent of adjustment to the other society from the perspective of the Druze married men. The study is made by the qualitative method, the data is gathered through interviews of 5 Druze men, who are married to non-Druze women. The findings indicate that young Druze men meet their non-Druze spouses in the course of working in the city or during their military service. After being married, the Druze men integrate in the new culture, at the same time of being outcast from their Druze family. Over time, they experience disillusionment and enter the phase of nostalgia, yet, they cannot come back home as long as they are married to non-Druze women. The third phase is the phase of integrating between the identities or assimilating the two previous phases, if this phase is not completed properly, the Druze man would leave his non-Druze wife and children at a later age and would try to return to his Druze family and village, or would remain outcast forever.

This study of six Druze widows in Israel deals with Druze law, women's personal status, the widows' difficulties, and the conflicts between Druze traditional society and modernity. The Druze society is a traditional, collective, patriarchal and religious society, in which independence and the attachment to the land have always been considered central values (Amrani, 2010;Falah, 2000) [1] [2]. The women's status is considered inferior to that of the men's and their main role is conceived as raising children and taking care of the house. Following are the stories of Druze women who became civilian widows during the 1950's through the 1970's. The study examines the way widows coped with their situation in a time in which the Druze society underwent great changes, moving from a traditional society to a more modern one.

The study deals qualitatively with one of the most concerning issues in contemporary education-the violence of students against teachers, a growing phenomenon that has not yet been thoroughly studied. It considers the phenomenon in question with relation to the diminishing status of the teacher's authority, as part of the transformation in adult authority. The theoretical framework presents information on students' violence against teachers at schools, while criticizing the incompetent coping with the phenomenon. In the methodological section, we present the interviews section and the list of questions we asked interviewees, such as: what types of violence are common in the school? What are the characteristics of the violent student? The findings describe the school where the research was conducted, and analyze the teachers' responses, while at the discussion summarizing the prominent points addressed by the interviews, to establish an applied model for dealing with the phenomenon at schools.