Two types of single-parent households and their effects on children ages 3-11 years were compared. One type comprised 50 homosexual mothers and their 56 children, and the other was a group of 40 heterosexual mothers and their 48 children. There were 30 daughters and 26 sons of homosexual mothers and 28 daughters and 20 sons of heterosexual mothers. The sexual identity and social relationships of the children were assessed in relation to the sexual orientation of the mothers. The samples consisted of families from rural and urban areas in 10 American states. All have lived without adult males (18 years or older) in the household for a minimum of 2 years (average 4). Families with heterosexual mothers were matched to families with homosexual mothers on age and race of mother; length of mother and child separation from father; educational level and income of mother; and number, age, and sex of children. Data are reported from childrens' tests designed to provide information on general intelligence, core-morphologic sexual identity, gender-role preferences, family and peer group relationships, and adjustment to the single-parent family. No significant differences were found between the two types of households for boys and few significant differences for girls. Concerns that being raised by a homosexual mother might produce sexual identity conflict and peer group stigmatization were not supported by the research findings. Data also revealed more similarities than differences in parenting experiences, marital history, and present living situations of the two groups of mothers. The postulated compromised parental fitness of lesbian mothers, commonly asserted in child custody cases, is not supported by these data.

Summary The current study uses a pre‐test‐post‐test control group design in which students who were volunteer participants were randomly assigned, controlled for sex, to one of two 1‐day human sexuality workshops (n=19, n=21) or a control group (n=17). The two workshops were identical in format and content. Each included four topic areas: homosexuality, psychosexual development of the male and female, masturbation, and the meaning of touch. After introduction to topic areas in large group sessions, small group discussions were held, led by trained teams of male and female co‐leaders. The independent variable was the inclusion of films of explicit sexual behaviour in one workshop (film and discussion) during each of the large group sessions, while no films were used in the other workshop (discussion only). Post‐test data from the attitude and knowledge sections of the SKAT test showed that participants in both the film and discussion and discussion‐only workshops changed significantly more than the control group on the heterosexual relations (P < 0.05) and masturbation attitude scales (P<0.01). No significant changes occurred on the knowledge section. Comparisons of pre to post scores of experimental subjects with previous research indicates that the present SKAT results are comparable to those that have been interpreted as significant. However, an analysis of variance comparing pre to post SKAT scores of both experimental groups revealed only one SKAT scale differential between the groups, with discussion‐only participants showing more change (masturbation, P < 0.05). Thus, the addition of explicit films to a workshop was not shown to have a significant effect on attitude change and knowledge scores as measured by the SKAT. Implications of the findings for future course planning are discussed.

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