In this paper, I present an analysis of pseudo-ABA patterns of morphology found in pronominal forms. I argue that an analysis that assumes unrestricted phonologically null allomorphy or unrestricted impoverishment overgenerates, allowing all the logically possible patterns of syncretism to appear. An analysis that includes spanned portmanteau exponents generates all and only the attested patterns of syncretism. Pseudo-ABA patterns arise when the complete pronominal tree (the structure for the anaphor) is exponed by a spanned exponent for [a [d]] and an exponent for p. Spanned portmanteau exponents are compatible with an analysis in which a and d are cyclic nodes, and one in which they are not. However, the analysis in which a and d are cyclic nodes is incompatible with another morphological behaviour of pronominal forms, namely variable exponence. To provide a unified analysis of pseudo-ABA patterns and variable exponence, a and d cannot be cyclic nodes.

In this squib I propose a modification to Radkevich's (2010) analysis of the locative cases, such that the privative features [source] and [goal] replace Radkevich's binary features [±motion] and [±source]. I argue that these changes improve Radkevich's analysis in three ways. The first improvement is empirical; they allow her system to account for the data of Kunimaipa, a language spoken in Papua New Guinea, which it presently cannot account for. The second improvement is also empirical; the analysis now predicts the absence of the unattested Ablative-Allative syncretism, which is not explained by alternative analyses. The final improvement is theoretical; a system employing privative features is to be preferred over one with binary features, because it is simpler (Occam's razor).