Amidst concern about the implications of an aging U.S. population, recent evidence suggests that there is a unique aging trend among the homeless population. Building on this, we use data from New York City and from the last three decennial Census enumerations to assess how the age composition of the homeless population-both single adults and adults in families-has changed over time. Findings show diverging trends in aging patterns for single adults and adults in families over the past 20 years. Among single adults, the bulk of the sheltered population is comprised of persons born during the latter part of the baby boom era whose high risk for homelessness has continued as they have aged. Specifically, the age group in this population facing the highest risk for homelessness was 34Age Structure of Homelessness 229 modal age across the study period remains at 21-23 years of age. We consider implications for the health care and social welfare systems, and policy responses to homelessness.

Objectives. We developed and evaluated a model to target homelessness prevention services to families more efficiently. Methods. We followed 11 105 families who applied for community-based services to prevent homelessness in New York City from October 1, 2004, to June 30, 2008, through administrative records, using Cox regression to predict shelter entry. Results. Over 3 years, 12.8% of applicants entered shelter. Both the complete Cox regression and a short screening model based on 15 risk factors derived from it were superior to worker judgments, with substantially higher hit rates at the same level of false alarms. We found no evidence that some families were too risky to be helped or that specific risk factors were particularly amenable to amelioration. Conclusions. Despite some limitations, an empirical risk model can increase the efficiency of homelessness prevention services. Serving the same proportion of applicants but selecting those at highest risk according to the model would have increased correct targeting of families entering shelter by 26% and reduced misses by almost two thirds. Parallel models could be developed elsewhere.

Objectives. Has inequality in access to early education been growing or lessening over time? Methods. Using the October Current Population Survey education supplement from 1968 to 2000, we look at three-, four-, and five-year-olds' enrollment in early education-including center-based care, Head Start, nursery school, prekindergarten, and kindergarten. Results. Our analysis shows a strong link between family income and early education enrollment for three-and fouryear-olds, especially when we compare the bottom two and the top two income groups. These differences remain even after controlling for a large variety of factors, including race/ethnicity, maternal employment, family structure, and parental education. Conclusions. Inequality in early education by income group varies by age of child: it is most pronounced for three-year-olds, who have been the least likely to benefit from public early childhood education programs; it has diminished in the past decade for four-year-olds, who have been increasingly likely to have access to public prekindergarten programs; and it has all but disappeared for the five-yearolds, who now largely attend public kindergarten. This pattern suggests a potentially important role for public policy in closing the gap in early education between children of different income groups.Early care and education of children is expensive. The price of private child care and preschool programs is so high that some have likened it to the burden of funding a college education. Yet, financial aid for early education is limited. With increasing awareness of the importance of early schooling for academic success, the link between family income and ability to pay for a n

Morbidity and mortality levels were comparable between homeless and low-income adults; homeless children's slightly higher risk on some measures possibly reflects the impact of poverty and poor-quality, unstable housing.