The text is re-examining the previously established dilemma related to whether Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) is the country of second demographic transition, i.e.: has the transition been de-blocked, under the assumption that this is a worldwide historical process of transformation of industrialized countries. The last thesis, around which there exists a lot of controversy in the contemporary population theory, is however not dealt with in detail; to the contrary, it is used as the general theoretical framework for the exploration of the most recent tendencies in the transformation of nuptiality and fertility regime in Serbia, as well as in the western and countries in post-socialist transformation. Special attention is given to the ideational changes, more precisely to the specific features of the value profile of the Serbian population, which is one of the most important determinants of the societal framework, that acts in the back of the afore mentioned aggregate demographic indicators. Finally, the hypothesis is posed (which should be further investigated by means of in-depth research and complementary approach) that the speeding-up of the second demographic transition and intensification of the individualisation not only of the partnership but of the parenthood as well, accompanied with the rise of living standard and social support to balancing work and family, would have produced important emancipating and, concomitantly, positive socioeconomic and demographic effects

The article deals with the issue of direct citizen participation at the local level of government in Serbia after 2000. In the first part, an attempt was made to define the concept of direct citizen participation and to analyze its main features. The second part contains the analysis of the achieved state of direct citizen participation at local level in Serbia. The primary goal of this research is to determine the key characteristics and the actual stage of development of the four levels of direct citizen participation: providing/acquiring information, consulting, proposing and participating in decision making. The main finding is that citizen participation in Serbia exists at a rudimentary level and that in this regard we are lagging behind most countries in Western Europe, but also in the Region

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This paper focuses on Let?s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina, a local environmental initiative that has managed to scale up and transnationalise (Europeanise) from below and to generate sufficient pressure on national power-holders to amend existing legislation and halt further construction of small hydropower plants in protected natural areas. Linking the concepts of environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed and the transnationalisation (Europeanisation) of environmental protests through the example of Serbian protests against small hydropower plants, we explore how a local movement grew out of a tradition of non-politicised everyday environmentalism, transformed into a rebellion of the dispossessed and then tried to organise at both national and transnational level, using assistance from EU institutions and international environmental organisations to leverage national authorities and developers, while at the same time remaining critical of certain EU environmental policies and practices. This study is based on discursive analysis of the content posted to the official Facebook group and website of Let?s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina.

The Covid 19 pandemic, taken as a social crisis, has pointed to the high vulnerability of the basic organizational principles of modern society and the inherent inequalities, particularly those related to the urban space. Therefore, the first part of the paper presents ideas and practices initiated by the Covid 19 pandemic regarding (re)conceptualization of urban mobility and (re)organization of urban spaces in searching for more sustainable and resilient solutions, in Europe and the developed world. Secondly, the analysis addresses ecological modernization and the entrepreneurial (smart) city models as conceptual frames that limit considerably the approach to urban sustainability and resilience, both in general and in a pandemic context. The concluding part highlights the missing political will and economic interest to deal with the pandemic as an opportunity to reset existing urban policies/measures and seek to balance the economic, social and ecological dimensions of urban development. By employing critical sociological thinking on contemporary cities, the authors emphasize the need to recognize social and environmental justice issues in urban sustainability discourse and practice.