Scholars have learned a great deal about the age at which individuals typically initiate particular drugs, the contexts in which they initiate use, and some of the motivations for initiation. Despite this attention, there remain few scholarly examinations of the accounts or “storylines” that users themselves give as explanation for their initiation. The authors present research from 40 interviews with female methamphetamine (meth) users incarcerated in Missouri, a state that has gained national attention for having high numbers of meth lab seizures. This study focuses specifically on the ways in which women articulate their storylines of initiation into meth use. These reveal a number of important findings, including the most common contexts in which women describe first using meth and their motivations for doing so. In particular, the findings highlight the role of family drug use, prior victimization experiences, and meth’s known pharmacological effects in women’s motivations for initiation.

Although there is a growing understanding of stalking victimization, it remains difficult to define, and characterizations of the phenomenon vary within the literature. As such, research is needed to understand how variations in the definition of stalking may change who is defined as a victim and thereby limit the generalizability of findings across previous studies. The focus of this study is the inclusion or exclusion of subjective and reasonable measures of fear for 1,430 victims identified by the 2006 Supplemental Victimization Survey. Results suggest that the definition of stalking is important, and prior research has potentially excluded stalking victims due to restrictive operationalizations. Victims who report different types of fear appear to be similar to each other in some respects but differ in others, particularly with regard for gender representation, suggesting some definitions of stalking may be gendered and under-represent male stalking victims. Finally, using complex stratified survey weights, the impact of these varying operationalizations is examined. Using the same data but different definitions resulted in estimates of just over 1 to 5.3 million persons who are stalked in the United States each year.

Photovoice empowers residents to use photographs to identify neighborhood concerns. Although Photovoice has been used to facilitate dialogue and action among residents to address a variety of issues, including neighborhood crime, it has not been used as part of an intervention to promote collective efficacy. This project integrated Photovoice into a crime-prevention program the goal of which was to facilitate collective efficacy, which. in turn, has been associated with lower levels of neighborhood crime and violence. Twenty-four racially diverse youth and adults participated in a crime-prevention training where Photovoice was used first to identify neighborhood characteristics that participants believed contributed to and alleviated crime, and then to develop a community project. Participants worked together to reuse a highly visible vacant lot to create an inviting neighborhood art and garden space that was open to the whole community. This process facilitated stronger social ties among neighborhood residents, as well as strategies for intervening in neighborhood problems, both of which are important components of collective efficacy.

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There is much research examining the digital divide and what it looks like in society. This research often describes the digital divide as yet another symptom of the current socio-economic division in our society. Based on this research, one would expect that online government services targeting the lower income population would not become a policy focus. However, around the United States, programs are being adopted to provide egovernment services to low-income populations who are receiving public welfare benefits. This raises a question as to whether this population can avail itself of e-government services and whether e-government services generally serve to create differences in government service provision between the wealthy and better educated compared to the poor and less educated. Our findings indicate that, as would be expected in the American context, there is a digital divide gap between these two populations. This gap begins with access to the Internet but also extends to the use of egovernment services among those who have Internet access. We see that education and income are strong predictors of both the use of e-government services and the volume of e-government services used. This has implications for the expansion and use of e-government in the U.S. and internationally.