IntroductionRisk perception is a core construct in many behaviour change theories in public health. Individuals who believe they are at risk of acquiring an illness may be more likely to engage in behaviours to reduce that risk; those who do not feel at risk may be unlikely to engage in risk reduction behaviours. Among participants who seroconverted in two FEM-PrEP sites – Bondo, Kenya, and Pretoria, South Africa – we explored perceived HIV risk and worry about acquiring HIV prior to HIV infection.MethodsFEM-PrEP was a phase III clinical trial of once-daily, oral emtricitabine and tenofovir disoproxil fumarate for HIV prevention among women in sub-Saharan Africa. We asked all participants about their perceived HIV risk in the next four weeks, prior to HIV testing, during a quantitative face-to-face interview at enrolment and at quarterly follow-up visits. Among participants who seroconverted, we calculated the frequencies of their responses from the visit conducted closest to, but before, HIV acquisition. Also among women who seroconverted, we conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews (SSIs) at weeks 1, 4 and 8 after participants’ HIV diagnosis visit to retrospectively explore feelings of HIV worry. Applied thematic analysis was used to analyse the SSI data.ResultsAmong participants who seroconverted in Bondo and Pretoria, 52% reported in the quantitative interview that they had no chance of acquiring HIV in the next four weeks. We identified four processes of risk rationalization from the SSI narratives. In “protective behaviour,” participants described at least one risk reduction behaviour they used to reduce their HIV risk; these actions made them feel not vulnerable to HIV, and therefore they did not worry about acquiring the virus. In “protective reasoning,” participants considered their HIV risk but rationalized, based on certain events or beliefs, that they were not vulnerable and therefore did not worry about getting HIV. In “recognition of vulnerability,” participants described reasons for being worried about getting HIV but said no or limited action was taken to reduce their perceived vulnerability. Participants with “no rationalization or action” did not describe any HIV worry or did not engage in HIV risk reduction behaviours.ConclusionsWomen who are at substantial risk of acquiring HIV may underestimate their actual risk. Yet, others who accurately understand their HIV risk may be unable to act on their concerns. Perceived HIV risk and risk rationalization are important concepts to explore in risk reduction counselling to increase the use of HIV prevention strategies among women at risk of HIV.

Background COVID-19 and its associated restrictions around in-person gatherings have created unprecedented challenges for religious congregations and those who lead them. While several surveys have attempted to describe how pastors and congregations responded to COVID-19, these provide a relatively thin picture of how COVID-19 is impacting religious life. There is scant qualitative data describing the lived reality of religious leaders and communities during the pandemic. Purpose and methods This paper provides a more detailed look at how pastors and congregations experienced and responded to COVID-19 and its associated restrictions in the early period of the pandemic. To do so, we draw from 26 in-depth interviews with church-appointed United Methodist pastors conducted between June and August 2020. Pastors were asked to describe how their ministry changed as a result of COVID-19 and interviews were analyzed using applied thematic analysis approaches to identify the most common emergent themes. Results Pastors reported that COVID-19 fundamentally unsettled routine ways of doing ministry. This disruption generated both challenges and opportunities for clergy and their congregations. In the findings, we describe how clergy responded in key areas of ministry–worship and pastoral care–and analyze how the pandemic is (re)shaping the way that clergy understood their role as pastors and envisioned the future of the Church. We argue for the value of examining the pandemic as an “unsettled” cultural period (Swidler 1986) in which religious leaders found creative ways to (re)do ministry in the context of social distancing. Rather than starting from scratch, we found that pastors drew from and modified existing symbolic and practical tools to fit pandemic-related constraints on religious life. Notably, however, we found that “redoing” ministry was easier and more effective in some areas (worship) than others (pastoral care). Conclusions and Implications The impact of COVID-19 on pastors and congregations is complex and not fully captured by survey research. This study provides a baseline for investigating similarities and differences in the responses of pastors within and across denominations and traditions. It also provides a baseline for assessing whether changes in ministry implemented during the early stages of the pandemic remain in place in the post-COVID world.

In developing-country settings, pregnancy intentions are often assessed using a series of questions from the Demographic and Health Surveys, yet research conducted in several countries yields conflicting results regarding these questions' ability to predict pregnancy. Conducted in Malawi and South Africa, this study identified individual, partner and societal factors that influence desire for pregnancy, and women's ability to achieve their intentions. Data come from interviews and focus-group discussions conducted prior to the FEM-PrEP HIV-prevention trial with women from communities at high risk of HIV infection. Cultural norms regarding contraceptive use and childbearing influenced both women's desire for pregnancy and ability to achieve those goals. Partner's expectations for pregnancy, financial concerns, family composition and contraceptive experiences were additional influences. Actively planning for pregnancy was not a salient concept to the majority of participants. Results support the call for a multidimensional measure of pregnancy intention that reflects the variety of factors that influence intentions, highlight the fluid nature of many women's reproductive health decision making and challenge the notion that all fertility decisions are the result of conscious action. Additional work on how women's plans for pregnancy are achieved would be programmatically more useful than current measures of intention.

Many women's decisions about whether and how to participate in sex work are driven by financial considerations. Despite the recognized importance of economic factors in HIV risk among female sex workers (FSWs), many HIV prevention programs focus narrowly on sexual risk behaviors. We collected data on the financial practices of FSWs in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire, to better inform economic strengthening programs for HIV risk reduction with this population. We conducted "walk-along" participant observations (N = 74) during FSWs' daily non-working routines and analyzed resultant notes using qualitative thematic analysis. We used a financial diary methodology to collect detailed quantitative data on income, spending, savings and lending from a sub-sample of participants (n = 33) over six weeks; these data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. All women in our sample reported sex work as their primary source of earned income. Median weekly income was roughly US $114, with a wide range across the sample and from week to week. Cash expenses related primarily to routine needs (e.g., food, housing, transportation) and accounted, on average, for approximately 90% of weekly spending. Around one-quarter of weekly expenses were directly associated with sex work (e.g., clothing, beauty products, and alcohol). FSWs held "savings" in boxes, mobile money platforms, informal savings groups, or banks, though most withdrew cash from these funds frequently. These findings suggest that this group of FSWs in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire, are not cashpoor: median weekly income is greater than the estimated Ivoirian weekly per capita gross national income. Yet the erratic nature of income alongside routine spending needs suggests that effective economic strengthening programs in this context should include financial management education, group-based savings and lending, and links to formal financial institutions. These economic strengthening activities hold promise to empower FSWs financially for downstream HIV-risk reduction benefits by building economic resilience to reduce financially-driven sexual risk decisions.