National and religious identification processes can be seen as the basis of the conflict in Northern Ireland, and over the course of the conflict preferred social and political identities became increasingly oppositional and entrenched. This paper reviews this evidence using population-level studies of self-categorized national and religious identity. In an attempt to explore the bases of these identities, two interrelated qualitative studies examining the constructions of national and religious identification are reported. The findings presented suggest the continuing predominance of national and religious identities that have generally been constructed as opposing. Evidence of complete overlap of the identities is evidenced in conflation of religion and nationality in adolescents'essays. Theoretical sampling of adults living on the border between Northern Ireland, the republic of Ireland, and those in mixed marriages highlight the strategic use of national and religious identities that may act to support divisions in post-Agreement Northern Ireland.

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Changes in collective categories of identity are at the core of social transformation. The causal linkages between identity change, institutional change and change in modes of practice are, however, complex. Developing and adapting ideas from Pierre Bourdieu's work, this article shows the coexistence in tension of a plurality of elements -in particular oppositional and non-oppositional elements -within each collective identity category. On this basis, it proposes a typology of logically possible responses at the level of identity to socio-political change. This allows an explanation of patterns of identity change in terms of wider social processes and resource distributio n, while remaining open to the sense and complexity of the individual's experience, and the moments of intentionality which arise when individuals face choices as to the direction of change. The worth of the model is shown by analysis of modes of identity change in a society presently experiencing radical change in socio-political structures -post-Good-Friday Agreement Northern Ireland.

Urokinase-type plasminogen activator receptor (UPA-R-CD87) is a GPI-anchored membrane protein which promotes the generation of plasmin on the surface of many cell types, probably facilitating cellular extravasation and tissue invasion. A flow cytometric quantitative analysis of expression levels for UPA-R was performed on fresh blast cells from patients with acute myeloid leukaemia (AML, n = 74), acute lymphoblastic leukaemia (ALL, n = 24), and biphenotypic leukaemia (BAL, n = 3) using two CD87 monoclonal antibodies (McAbs) (3B10 and VIM5). Peripheral blood and bone marrow (BM) cells from 15 healthy adults served as controls. Using 3B10 McAb, UPA-R was expressed (>99%) by blood monocytes, neutrophils, and BM myelomonocytic precursors in controls, whereas resting T and B lymphocytes, and CD34+ cells were UPA-R negative. We also attempted to clarify whether UPA-R has a role in mediating neutrophil functions. Oriented locomotion induced by different chemotaxins and lysozyme release by granules stimulated with fMLP or PMA were significantly decreased when UPA-R was neutralized by CD87 McAb. In contrast, the anti-UPA-R McAb had no effect on superoxide anion generation of normal neutrophils. Blasts from AML showed a heterogenous pattern of expression for the UPA-R McAbs, with reactivity strictly dependent on FAB subtype. The highest UPA-R expression was seen in the M5 group: all patients tested (n = 20) showed strong positivity for the UPA-R McAb whereas only 12% (3/24) of ALL patients were CD87 positive, and 2/3 of BAL patients showed a dim expression for CD87. The number of receptors expressed by blast cells in 6/74 (8.1%) AML patients was higher than those of normal samples: in addition, since co-expression of UPA-R and CD34 was not found in normal haemopoietic cells, it may be postulated that CD87 can be used alone (when overexpressed) or in combination with CD34 for the detection of minimal residual disease. Results also indicated that patients with UPA-receptors >12 x 10(3) ABC/cell, irrespective of FAB subtype, had a greater tendency for cutaneous and tissue infiltration and a higher frequency of chromosome abnormalities, thus suggesting the concept that cellular UPA-R content positively correlates with the invasive potential of AML cells. The combination of higher UPA-R positivity, abnormalities of chromosome 11, and M5 FAB morphology may identify a peculiar subset of AML, characterized by a more aggressive clinical course.

This book offers a uniquely comprehensive account of the conflict in Northern Ireland, providing a rigorous analysis of its dynamics and present structure and proposing a new approach to its resolution. It deals with historical process, communal relations, ideology, politics, economics and culture and with the wider British, Irish and international contexts. It reveals at once the enormous complexity of the conflict and shows how it is generated by a particular system of relationships which can be precisely and clearly described. The book proposes an emancipatory approach to the resolution of the conflict, conceived as the dismantling of this system of relationships. Although radical, this approach is already implicit in the converging understandings of the British and Irish governments of the causes of conflict. The authors argue that only much more determined pursuit of an emancipatory approach will allow an agreed political settlement to emerge.