Caernarfon Castle in North Wales is forbidding. Everything about it is designed to keep intruders out. There are no windows on the outside of those massive walls; the windows look inwards so that the insiders gaze only at one another in their enclosure. The only openings in the walls are slits so that the insiders can shoot at the outsiders without risk to themselves; and the gates are massively strong, reinforced by portcullises. It would take overwhelming force and immense determination to get inside-and that was the design specification. Edward I, who had the castle built, was frightened of the locals more than he was of powerful rivals. Caernarfon is thus a nice This article addresses NEET ... as an ideological and discursive formation, lodging the discussion within its socioeconomic context-one of increasing insecurity and precariousness. It argues that frequently quasi-political and ideological constructions of NEET can readily fold over into and articulate with discourses of the underclass and the broken society, as well as, paradoxically, HEATHER PIPER is a Professorial Research Fellow in the Education and Social Research Institute at Manchester Metropolitan University, United Kingdom. Heather's interests and work are social justice-oriented, eclectic and often contrarian. They focus on qualitative inquiry and methodology, education and citizenship, and particularly on concerns about touching, risk and moral panics about child abuse.

After heading the team which developed the proposals for the new journal, and working tirelessly and with great skill to pilot it through its first years, Michael Watts has stepped down as lead editor of Power and Education. Michael was the prime mover in bringing together a team of 38 colleaguesmembers of the editorial board, the reviews editor, regional editors and advisory board-with an international range and an impressive breadth of knowledge of the field. It is greatly to his credit that the journal has consistently lived up to its commitment, spelt out on the web page, of providing a distinctive and comprehensive body of knowledge focusing on the relationships between the concepts of power and education in their broadest senses. We are delighted that Michael will remain a member of the editorial board. His replacement as lead editor is Heather Piper, who has been a member of the editorial board since it began work, and who is also a member of the Discourse, Power, Resistance (DPR) management team.

Patterson. Shovelling aside the productions of the master discourse, both articles help clear the way to look afresh at research as a two-way process, bringing together, in the Levinasian sense, both sides, all sides, in the research encounter, so that researchers and researched, the subjects and objects, come together to share the strangeness of their mutual recognitions and the practical ways forward, through which their shared understanding may be advanced.

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As Kupfer says in her introduction, this book is about power over education and power in education, and how these affect today's societies. Kupfer recalls Young's Knowledge and Control (1971), where knowledge is evaluated in terms of its power to 'enable people to participate in society' (p. 2). This is a key theme of the book: that social transformation is enabled as 'workers and intellectuals become conscious and develop counter discourses' (p. 5). It is a theme that reminds us of Freire, whose ideas permeate each chapter: that it is not so much what we think or say, but what we do that is the measure of our learning. This sleeves-rolled-up approach to learning is disturbingly at odds with Arendt's view, succinctly examined in a chapter by Veck, that 'the essence of. .. educational activity [is] to cherish and protect. .. the child against the world', and that 'the world, too, needs protection to keep it from being overrun and destroyed by the onslaught of the new that burst upon it with each new generation' (p. 17). Veck grapples with this cotton-wool view of education, which can perhaps best be understood in the context of Arendt's despairing vision of mid 20th-century Europe, where 'the essential structure of all civilisations is at breaking point' and 'can nowhere provide the guidance to the possibilities of the century, or an adequate response to its horrors' (quoted in Clark, 2016, p. 7). Veck focuses attention on schools as sites of power-a more telling and enabling view. Why do people-and specifically young people-collude in their own oppression? As this book brilliantly makes clear, answers to this question take us variously to Bourdieu and Foucault, and before them to Weber, Marx and Engels. Central to these accounts is the notion of belief: it is because we have internalised a view of ourselves instilled by a dominant hegemony that we go along with our oppression; we may not exactly like a view of ourselves as second rate, but somehow or other it seems right and proper. The culture that surrounds and defines us, and the education that the culture has fashioned to collude with its message reinforce in us a sense of subjection-that fundamentally we are all, more or less, members of Marx's lumpenproletariat. This is bad, hopeless news! It is a major strength of this book that this oppressive potential of education is so carefully analysed. In the chapters by Mayo, Williamson and Hodgson, we are offered a counterblast to the doom-and-gloom scenarios of Foucault et al. Foucault and his contemporaries carried out a ruthless analysis of our subjection, including an unsparing account of the way education-formal and informal-colludes to instil in us a dismal sense of ourselves, somewhat like headless dead sardines in the tin our cultures have made for us. But this is not where the story ends. Mayo appeals to Gramsci, emphasising the role of education to 'foster among learners the consciousness, skills, knowledge and attitudes to