This paper analyzes the extent to which the political participation of Blacks can be traced to historical lynchings that took place from 1882 to 1930. Using county-level voter registration data, I show that Blacks who reside in southern counties that experienced a relatively higher number of historical lynchings have lower voter registration rates today. This relationship holds after accounting for a variety of historical and contemporary characteristics of counties. There exists evidence of the persistence of cultural voting norms among Blacks, yet this relationship does not exist for Whites. (JEL D72, J15, N31, N32, N41, N42, Z13)

Context: The COVID-19 pandemic has had a disparate effect on African Americans and Latino groups. But it is unknown how aware the public is of these differences, and how the pandemic has changed perceptions of equity and access to health care. Methods: We use panel data from nationally representative surveys fielded to the same respondents in 2018 and 2020 to assess views and changes in views over time. Findings: We found that awareness of inequity is highest among Non-Hispanic Black respondents and higher income and higher educated groups, and that there have been only small changes in perceptions of inequity over time. However, there have been significant changes in views of the government’s obligation ensure access to health care. Conclusions: Even in the face of a deadly pandemic, one that has killed disproportionately more African Americans and Latinos, many in the U.S. continue not to recognize that there are inequities in access to health care and the impact of COVID-19 on certain groups. But policies to address inequity may be shifting. We will continue to follow these respondents to see whether changes in attitudes endure over time or dissipate.

We provide evidence on the link between lynchings and a range of political and economic outcomes for Black Americans. We show that lynchings are related to racial and political motives among whites that keep Black Americans disconnected from the political process. This political and racial gradient to lynchings is related to public finance and redistribution within states and localities and has potentially long-lasting implications for investments in financial and human capital for Black Americans. We also document regional inequality in economic well-being and the social safety net, linking the legacy of racialized violence and diminished political capital to persistently higher poverty and lowered investments in social and labor market policies, showing that a key goal of Southern Redemption policies and violence continues to play a role in Black American life in the twenty-first century.

Using a unique dataset, this paper examines the extent to which streets named after prominent Confederate generals are related to Black-White labor market differentials. Examining individual-level data shows that Blacks who reside in areas that have a relatively higher number of Confederate streets are less likely to be employed, are more likely to be employed in low-status occupations, and have lower wages compared to Whites. I find no evidence that individual characteristics, local characteristics, or geographic sorting explain these results.

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