From the beginning of the COVID-19 global pandemic, it became clear that the practices of naming the disease, its nature and its handling by the health authorities, the news media and the politicians had social and ideological implications. This article presents a sociosemiotic study of such practices as reflected in a corpus of headlines of eight newspapers of four countries in the early stages of the COVID-19 crisis. After an analysis of the institutional naming choices of the World Health Organization (WHO) and the International Committee on Taxonomy of Viruses, the study focuses on the changes in newspapers’ naming patterns following the WHO’s announcement of the disease name on 11 February 2020. A subsequent political controversy related to naming in the United States is then examined in reports of The New York Times and The Washington Post as a further illustration of how public discourses and perceptions can rapidly evolve in the context of health crises.

This study draws on a synergy of Corpus Linguistics and Critical Discourse Studies to scrutinize the portrayal of hackers in China Daily and The New York Times in the 21st century (2001–2020), primarily revolving around the main social actors and targets in hacking. This study demonstrates that both media share a positive transformation of the image-building of hackers in the 21st century. Besides, countries are salient social actors in hacker media discourse and the two media differ in their ways of constructing them. The New York Times tends to have a negative other-representation and categorical otherness of specific countries through such discursive strategies as negative other-representation and group categorization, whereas China Daily is prone to insist on opposing the US hacking allegations in a defensive manner. Regarding major targets, China Daily highlights government websites whereas The New York Times emphasizes government websites, officials’ emails, large technology companies, and election infrastructure. The analysis shows that the two media’s different ways of framing hackers are underpinned by the ideologies behind them and the Chinese and US socio-political landscapes. This study can provide insights into how hacker discourse in media is represented in the 21st century and how national identities are constructed in the media representations of hackers.

Emojis are increasingly being used as digital evidence in courts due to the miscommunication and misinterpretation arising from the high variability of their usage and interpretation. Emojis in courts have been extensively researched in extant studies, but relatively little attention has been paid to the emoji variation phenomena in Chinese courts. Through an empirical qualitative content analysis of the court judgments in China and the United States and some supplementary materials, this study posits that an emoji’s meaning in courts can be subject to the following six categories of variations: i. variation across platforms, including devices, operating systems, software programs and clients; ii. temporal variation; iii. variation in court cases under different rules of evidence; iv. variation in individual participants; v. variation across social groups; and vi. linguistic-cultural variation. From a social semiotic perspective, emojis as dynamic signs have great meaning potentials, making their meanings context-dependent and interpreter-dependent. For this reason, it is suggested that legal professionals untangle and weave historical, social, cultural and legal contexts into the interpretation of an emoji’s meaning. Moreover, a probe into the contextualized configuration of emojis can offer practical insights into the interpretation of emoji-bearing texts in judicial decision-making as well as the admissibility and investigation of digital evidence in courts.

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This study aims to examine China's approach to the cyber governance, especially the discourse of Internet information, through a detailed investigation of the Provision on Ecological Governance of Internet Information Content. The findings in this study indicate that China's approach to the governance of Internet information possesses the following essential features: the clarification of the dialectical relationship between Internet freedom and order, the unification of carrying forward positive energy and restraining negative information, the people-oriented and bottom-up participatory approach to the ecological governance of Internet information, as well as the strictly prohibitive conducts of three key administrative counterparts. The underlying reasons for choosing such an ecological path to regulate the Internet information can be attributed to China's national configuration, including its political system, cultural tradition, status quo of the Internet development, and the pervasive cybersecurity challenges facing its society. It is thus argued that the governance of Internet information, characteristic of spatiality, can merely be construed within specific socio-political and cultural contexts. Albeit the spatiality of the governance of the Internet information, China's approach can serve as a model for other nations to develop their own governance discourses pertaining to the Internet information. This study aims not only to unpack the Chinese discourse of the ecological governance of Internet information but also to provide useful insights into the discourse and practices of global cyber governance.