Research into the mobility of European Union (EU) citizens has contributed to a better understanding of the social effects of European integration. A growing body of literature highlights that naturalised third-country nationals are also making use of their 'freedom of movement'. This paper proposes a typology of 'new EU citizens' who onward migrate between member states. It draws on relevant statistics and qualitative empirical research carried out with Dutch-Somalis, Swedish-Iranians, and German-Nigerians who relocated to the UK. In contrast to research with native-born EU movers, our findings indicate that the majority of naturalised EU citizens onward migrated as a result of the discrimination and racism they experienced in their previous place of residence. In this paper, we conceptualise the interactions of integration and transnationalism as a potential trigger for onward migration. We illustrate how onward migrants are able to complete certain aspects of their integration process in a second member state. Moreover, we show how migrants maintain transnational ties across several destinations and therefore contribute to a broader understanding of transnationalism.The main reason we left [Germany] was because of the children, I don't want mine to pass 91 Onward Migration to the UK

ABSTRACT. This paper presents results of a questionnaire survey of 1400 Year 13 (finalyear) school and sixth-form pupils in two contrasting areas of England, which asked them about their thoughts and plans to study at university abroad. Key questions which the survey sought to answer were the following. How many and what proportion of all higher education (HE) applicants, apply, or consider applying, to university outside the UK? What are their reasons for doing so? What are their distinguishing characteristics as regards type of school (state vs. private), academic record, parental socio-occupational background, and prior contacts abroad? The questionnaire data were supported, but occasionally contradicted, by interviews with school staff members responsible for coordinating and advising on the HE application process. Approximately 3 per cent of pupils apply to study abroad (most also apply to UK universities) and another 10 per cent consider applying but do not do so. North America, Australia and Ireland are favoured destinations; not mainland, non-Englishspeaking Europe. Quality of university and desire for adventure are the most important motivations. Decisions to apply abroad are strongly correlated to the academic results of pupils (the best apply), to prior connections abroad (travel, holidays, residence abroad etc.) and to a range of overlapping indicators of parental wealth and social class. The theoretical and policy implications of the research are also considered. Study abroad creates an 'elite within an elite' and works against government agendas of widening participation. On the other hand, English students' foreign experience potentially enhances their interculturalism and graduate labour market competitiveness. These questions are interesting from a number of government-policy, economic, geographical and sociological perspectives. The UK government sees the issue as relevant for two main reasons. First, because students studying abroad are 'lost' from the HESA (Higher Education Statistics Agency) database, used to measure governmental aspirations to have 40 rising to 50 per cent of the age cohort of young adults involved in higher education. If this leakage abroad is sizeable, the government's ability to claim target achievement is compromised. Second, there is the question of the quality of those students who decide to study abroad. Are they the 'brightest and best'? In other words, is there a possible 'brain drain' effect, reminiscent of the original coinage of the term when British scientists moved to North America in the 1960s? (Adams 1968;Glaser 1978). This links clearly to the economic dimension of the debate, which has two sides. One is the classic brain drain mechanism whereby a proportion, small but significant, of clever young people are 'lost' to other countries. The other side of the coin is the beneficial effect of the return of this human capital with enhanced academic, intercultural and perhaps linguistic skills, to enrich the strength of the British graduate labour market.Geogra...

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This introductory chapter sets the scene for the book. It defines onward migration as a migration trajectory that involves extended stays in two or more destination countries and distinguishes it from competing and overlapping terms like stepwise and transit migration. Onward migration is a growing phenomenon within overall global migration dynamics, although statistics to document the scale and trends of this type of migration are scarce. The main aim of the chapter is to examine how onward migration and transnationalism are connected. This is achieved both by reference to a range of existing literature and by citing evidence from the succeeding chapters in the volume. We demonstrate both how transnationalism can shape onward migration and, the reverse, how different onward migration trajectories may result in different forms of transnationalism. In this latter context, we identify inter-generational, split, widening and re-routed transnationalism, again drawing on examples both from the book and from the wider literature. The final section of the chapter consists of a methodological discussion on the practicalities of researching onward migration and multi-sited transnationalism, in which the technique of multi-sited ethnography is discussed, critiqued and modified.