This paper examines individual and organizational resilience processes among members of The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan, (RAWA), an Afghan women's underground resistance organization located in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Since 1977, RAWA has used humanitarian and political means to educate, serve, and motivate women and to advocate for peace, secular democracy, and human rights. The authors analyzed 110 qualitative interviews, collected in Pakistan and Afghanistan between December 2001 and July 2002. An iterative coding framework identified processes of resilience and domain specific stressors (risks) and resources (protective factors) at the individual and organizational level. Further analysis found that these process codes clustered by function into components of an operational model of individual and organizational resilience. While individual and organizational resilience are described by the same model, these two levels of resilience were found to operate in synergy as well as in conflict. Although this paper explores a unique setting, we argue that a better understanding of resilience processes in general will come from increased attention to context.

Women in SUD treatment are open to the integration of family planning services into treatment. Treatment centers have the opportunity to serve as models of client-centered health homes that offer a variety of educational, preventive, and medical services for women in both treatment and recovery.

This study explores the bidirectional and interactional process of acculturation from the perspectives of immigrants and receiving community members (RCMs). Our aim was to understand the experiences and interactions of different ethno-cultural groups and their impact on the functioning and dynamics of multicultural communities. We conducted a cross-national, cross-cultural study of acculturation processes, using interviews collected across two countries (Italy: urban regions of Torino and Lecce; U.S.: Baltimore/Washington corridor) and three distinct groups of immigrants-Moroccans and Albanians in Italy and Latin Americans in the United States-and RCMs in Italy and the United States. Findings show that acculturation is a complex, situated, and dynamic process, and is generally conceived as an unbalanced and individual process of accommodation, which expects the immigrant alone to adapt to the new context. The boundaries among traditionally explored acculturation strategies were blurred and while integration was the most frequently discussed strategy, it often referenced a "soft" assimilation, limited mostly to public domains. Some differences emerged between ethnic groups and generation of immigration as well as among RCMs who differed by level of contact with immigrants. The need for more flexible models and for a critical perspective on acculturation is discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record

This article examines the meaning, operation, and outcomes of education and related formation of feminist identity development within an Afghan women's humanitarian and political organization. Qualitative data, including 110 interviews, archival review, and participant observations, were collected using a feminist, community, strengths-based approach and were re-analyzed here with a focus on educational processes. Findings revealed multiple educational mechanisms, both similar to and different from many Western assumptions. Within these educational mechanisms, themes of critical consciousness and feminist identity also arose. Outcomes were mapped against Downing and Roush's (1985) feminist identity development model. Similarities, differences, limitations, and lessons in the application of a Western model to an Afghan context are discussed. Findings have implications for understanding indigenous educational methods, the development of critical consciousness and ''feminist'' identity in global perspective, and cross-cultural, feminist, community psychology research and application. C 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. It was not until after September 11, 2001, when the U.S. government's hunt for Osama bin Laden led them to the Taliban and Afghanistan, that many people in the West first learned of Afghan women's struggles for the most basic of human rights. The plight of Afghan women under the Taliban (1995Taliban ( -2001 was indeed desperate: They were denied the right to go to school or work, access health care, and other basic services and restricted in what they wore, who they talked to, and even the circumstances under which they could leave their homes. Yet it is important to note that the modern suffering of Afghan women, and indeed all Afghans, did not begin or end with Taliban rule, but rather can be seen in decades of political strife, social unrest, war, and religious and sociocultural oppression.1 The result is a country that today ranks near the bottom of all countries in a wide range of rankings, including clean water, life expectancy, poverty, gender development, and literacy rates (Brodsky, 2011; United Nations Development Programme, 2010). The political strife and related oppression of Afghan women has impeded their advancement in many realms, arguably the most devastating and wide-reaching of which has been in the area of girl's and women's education.Despite these grave circumstances, Afghan women are not mere victims, but have actively worked, both individually and collectively, to resist oppression and promote opportunities and freedoms for girls, women, and all Afghans. Indeed, the history of activism for Afghan women's advancement, focused particularly on their education, dates well before the current post-Taliban influx of Western governmental and nongovernmental organizations (NGO). In the early 1920s, for example, King Amanullah and Queen Soraya worked to extend women's marital rights, public freedoms, and education and employment opportunities, and founded the first women's press (Emadi, 2002;M...

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