A new conceptualization and measurement of social dominance orientation-individual differences in the preference for group based hierarchy and inequality-is introduced. In contrast to previous measures of social dominance orientation that were designed to be unidimensional, the new measure (SDO7) embeds theoretically grounded subdimensions of SDO-SDO-Dominance (SDO-D) and SDO-Egalitarianism (SDO-E). SDO-D constitutes a preference for systems of group-based dominance in which high status groups forcefully oppress lower status groups. SDO-E constitutes a preference for systems of group-based inequality that are maintained by an interrelated network of subtle hierarchy-enhancing ideologies and social policies. Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that SDO-D and SDO-E are theoretically distinct and dissociate in terms of the intergroup outcomes they best predict. For the first time, distinct personality and individual difference bases of SDO-D and SDO-E are outlined. We clarify the construct validity of SDO by strictly assessing a preference for dominance hierarchies in general, removing a possible confound relating to support for hierarchy benefitting the ingroup. Consistent with this, results show that among members of a disadvantaged ethnic minority group (African Americans), endorsement of SDO7 is inversely related to ingroup identity. We further demonstrate these effects using nationally representative samples of U.S. Blacks and Whites, documenting the generalizability of these findings. Finally, we introduce and validate a brief 4-item measure of each dimension. This article importantly extends our theoretical understanding of one of the most generative constructs in social psychology, and introduces powerful new tools for its measurement.

Differences in the evaluation of generic statements about human and non-human categories. Cognitive Science.

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Using data from 3 different samples, the authors found that: (a) the relationships between political conservatism and racism generally increased as a function of educational sophistication; however, the relationship between political conservatism and anti-Black affect did not increase with educational sophistication, (b) The correlation between political conservatism and racism could be entirely accounted for by their mutual relationship with social dominance orientation, (c) Generally, the net effect of political conservatism, racism, and social dominance orientation on opposition to affirmative action increased with increasing education. These findings contradict much of the case for the principled conservatism hypothesis, which maintains that political values that are largely devoid of racism, especially among highly educated people, are the major source of Whites' opposition to affirmative action. Conservatives generally voice opposition to civil rights legislation on the grounds that, to avoid costly litigation associated with affirmative action, employers would inevitably resort to hiring quotas for women and minorities. Conservatives generally reject suggestions that their opposition to civil rights legislation is motivated by racism. Instead they maintain that this opposition is strictly driven by a principled consideration of fairness, equity, and the goal of establishing a truly color-blind society. The notion that political conservatism is essentially independent of racism has also been proposed by a number of contemporary scholars (Glazer, 1975; Jacoby, 1994; Sowell, 1984). A number of neoconservative intellectuals have even suggested that the major antidote to racial discrimination is more conservatism and more, not less, free-market capitalism (seeCymrot, 1985;Darity, 1989). This debate among policymakers and commentators raises a number of questions about intergroup attitudes, political ideology, and issues of racial politics. Many studies have shown a connection between political conservatism and opposition to policies such as affirmative action. Yet there have been few examinations of how conservatism relates to dimensions of rac

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