Key Points Question What is the agreement between prospective and retrospective measures of childhood maltreatment? Findings This systematic review and meta-analysis of 16 unique studies and 25 471 unique participants found poor agreement between prospective and retrospective measures of childhood maltreatment, with Cohen κ = 0.19. On average, 52% of individuals with prospective observations of childhood maltreatment did not retrospectively report it, and likewise, 56% of individuals retrospectively reporting childhood maltreatment did not have concordant prospective observations. Meaning Because findings from this meta-analysis demonstrated that prospective and retrospective measures of childhood maltreatment identify largely different groups of individuals, the 2 measures cannot be used interchangeably to study the associated health outcomes and risk mechanisms.

Both prospective informant-reports and retrospective self-reports may be used to measure childhood maltreatment, though both methods entail potential limitations such as underestimation and memory biases. The validity and utility of standard measures of childhood maltreatment requires clarification in order to inform the design of future studies investigating the mental health consequences of maltreatment. The present study assessed agreement between prospective informant-reports and retrospective self-reports of childhood maltreatment, as well as the comparative utility of both reports for predicting a range of psychiatric problems at age 18. Data were obtained from the Environmental Risk (E-Risk) Longitudinal Twin Study, a nationally-representative birth cohort of 2232 children followed to 18 years of age (with 93% retention). Childhood maltreatment was assessed in two ways: (i) prospective informant-reports from caregivers, researchers, and clinicians when children were aged 5, 7, 10 and 12; and (ii) retrospective self-reports of maltreatment experiences occurring up to age 12, obtained at age 18 using the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire. Participants were privately interviewed at age 18 concerning several psychiatric problems including depression, anxiety, self-injury, alcohol/cannabis dependence, and conduct disorder. There was only slight to fair agreement between prospective and retrospective reports of childhood maltreatment (all Kappa's ≤ 0.31). Both prospective and retrospective reports of maltreatment were associated with age-18 psychiatric problems, though the strongest associations were found when maltreatment was retrospectively self-reported. These findings indicate that prospective and retrospective reports of childhood maltreatment capture largely non-overlapping groups of individuals. Young adults who recall being maltreated have a particularly elevated risk for psychopathology.

Key Points Question Is exposure to air pollution associated with adolescent psychotic experiences? Findings In this nationally representative cohort study of 2232 UK-born children, significant associations were found between outdoor exposure to nitrogen dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter and reports of psychotic experiences during adolescence. Moreover, nitrogen dioxide and nitrogen oxides together explained 60% of the association between urban residency and adolescent psychotic experiences. Meaning The association between urban residency and adolescent psychotic experiences is partly explained by the higher levels of outdoor air pollution in urban settings.

This paper presents mutlilevel findings on adolescents’ victimization exposure from a large longitudinal cohort of twins. Data were obtained from the Environmental Risk (E-Risk) Longitudinal Twin Study, an epidemiological study of 2,232 children (1,116 twin pairs) followed to 18 years of age (with 93% retention). To assess adolescent victimization we combined best practices in survey research on victimization with optimal approaches to measuring life stress and traumatic experiences, and introduce a reliable system for coding severe victimization. One in three children experienced at least one type of severe victimization during adolescence (crime victimization, peer/sibling victimization, internet/mobile phone victimization, sexual victimization, family violence, maltreatment, or neglect), and most types of victimization were more prevalent amongst children from low socioeconomic backgrounds. Exposure to multiple victimization types was common, as was re-victimization; over half of those physically maltreated in childhood were also exposed to severe physical violence in adolescence. Biometric twin analyses revealed that environmental factors had the greatest influence on most types of victimization, while severe physical maltreatment from caregivers during adolescence was predominantly influenced by heritable factors. The findings from this study showcase how distinct levels of victimization measurement can be harmonized in large-scale studies of health and development.

Background:Urban upbringing is associated with a 2-fold adulthood psychosis risk, and this association replicates for childhood psychotic symptoms. No study has investigated whether specific features of urban neighborhoods increase children’s risk for psychotic symptoms, despite these early psychotic phenomena elevating risk for schizophrenia and other psychiatric disorders in adulthood.Methods:Analyses were conducted on over 2000 children from the Environmental Risk (E-Risk) Longitudinal Twin Study, a nationally-representative cohort of UK-born twins. Neighborhood-level characteristics were assessed for each family via: a geodemographic discriminator indexing neighborhood-level deprivation, postal surveys of over 5000 residents living alongside the children, and in-home interviews with the children’s mothers. Children were interviewed about psychotic symptoms at age 12. Analyses were adjusted for important family-level confounders including socioeconomic status (SES), psychiatric history, and maternal psychosis.Results:Urban residency at age-5 (OR = 1.80, 95% CI = 1.16–2.77) and age-12 (OR = 1.76, 95% CI = 1.15–2.69) were both significantly associated with childhood psychotic symptoms, but not with age-12 anxiety, depression, or antisocial behavior. The association was not attributable to family SES, family psychiatric history, or maternal psychosis, each implicated in childhood mental health. Low social cohesion, together with crime victimization in the neighborhood explained nearly a quarter of the association between urbanicity and childhood psychotic symptoms after considering family-level confounders.Conclusions:Low social cohesion and crime victimization in the neighborhood partly explain why children in cities have an elevated risk of developing psychotic symptoms. Greater understanding of the mechanisms leading from neighborhood-level exposures to psychotic symptoms could help target interventions for emerging childhood psychotic symptoms.