BackgroundCurcumin is the major yellow pigment extracted from turmeric, a commonly-used spice in India and Southeast Asia that has broad anticarcinogenic and cancer chemopreventive potential. However, few systematic studies of curcumin's pharmacology and toxicology in humans have been performed.MethodsA dose escalation study was conducted to determine the maximum tolerated dose and safety of a single dose of standardized powder extract, uniformly milled curcumin (C3 Complex™, Sabinsa Corporation). Healthy volunteers were administered escalating doses from 500 to 12,000 mg.ResultsSeven of twenty-four subjects (30%) experienced only minimal toxicity that did not appear to be dose-related. No curcumin was detected in the serum of subjects administered 500, 1,000, 2,000, 4,000, 6,000 or 8,000 mg. Low levels of curcumin were detected in two subjects administered 10,000 or 12,000 mg.ConclusionThe tolerance of curcumin in high single oral doses appears to be excellent. Given that achieving systemic bioavailability of curcumin or its metabolites may not be essential for colorectal cancer chemoprevention, these findings warrant further investigation for its utility as a long-term chemopreventive agent.

Using data from grandparents (G1), parents (G2), and children (G3), this study examined continuity in parental monitoring, harsh discipline, and child externalizing behavior across generations, and the contribution of parenting practices and parental drug use to intergenerational continuity in child externalizing behavior. Structural equation and path modeling of prospective, longitudinal data from 808 G2 participants, their G1 parents, and their school-aged G3 children (n = 136) showed that parental monitoring and harsh discipline demonstrated continuity from G1 to G2. Externalizing behavior demonstrated continuity from G2 to G3. Continuity in parenting practices did not explain the intergenerational continuity in externalizing behavior. Rather, G2 adolescent externalizing behavior predicted their adult substance use, which was associated with G3 externalizing behavior. A small indirect effect of G1 harsh parenting on G3 was observed. Interparental abuse and socidemographic risk were included as controls, but did not explain the intergenerational transmission of externalizing behavior. Results highlight the need for preventive interventions aimed at breaking intergenerational cycles in poor parenting practices. More research is required to identify parental mechanisms influencing the continuity of externalizing behavior across generations. Keywords externalizing behavior; intergenerational; monitoring; harsh discipline; parenting Child and adolescent externalizing behavior, characterized by poor impulse control and oppositional, aggressive, or delinquent behavior, is associated with a wide range of negative consequences, including later substance use (Englund, Egeland, Oliva, & Collins, 2008;Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992), poor academic outcomes (Masten et al., 2005;McLeod & Kaiser, 2004), and criminality (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999). In addition, externalizing behavior in one generation often is associated with externalizing behavior in the subsequent generation (Bailey, Hill, Oesterle, & Hawkins, 2006;Smith & Farrington, 2004;Thornberry, Freeman-Gallant, Lizotte, Krohn, & Smith, 2003), suggesting that associated negative consequences also may echo across generations. Parenting practices, such as harsh discipline and parental monitoring, have been linked repeatedly to child externalizing behavior (Beyers, Bates, Pettit, & Dodge, 2003;Gershoff, 2002;Leve, Kim, & Pears, 2005;Stanger, Dumenci, Correspondence concerning this article and requests for reprints should be addressed to Jennifer Bailey, Social Development Research Group, 9725 3 rd Avenue NE, Suite 401, Seattle, WA 98115, (fax) 206-543-4507, or jabailey@u.washington.edu. Publisher's Disclaimer: The following manuscript is the final accepted manuscript. It has not been subjected to the final copyediting, fact-checking, and proofreading required for formal publication. It is not the definitive, publisher-authenticated version. The American Psychological Association and its Council of Editors disclaim any responsibility or liabilities for errors or ...

This study compared men's and women's pathways to adulthood by examining how role transitions in education, work, marriage, and parenthood intersect and form developmental pathways from ages 18-30. The study investigated how sociodemographic factors and adolescent experiences were associated with these pathways. We used latent class analysis to analyze longitudinal data from a gender-balanced panel of 808 contemporary young adults. We found three similar latent pathways for both genders, but men and women differed in the timing of marriage and when they began to live with children and the likelihood of combining both roles. The present study points to the continued, though differential, relevance of marriage and family in the transition to adulthood for men and women. KeywordsGender; latent class analysis; life course; social roles; transition to adulthood Consideration of the diverse ways young people move from adolescence to adulthood is important because different pathways have potentially important implications for functioning and quality of life later in adulthood (Macmillan & Eliason, 2003;Shanahan, 2000). Studies of the transition to adulthood have described the changing character of this stage in the life course, finding that it has become more diverse, individualized, and destandardized in Western societies over the past decades (Buchmann, 1989;Elzinga & Liefbroer, 2007;Shanahan, 2000). Despite evidence for greater variability in the timing and sequencing of transitions into adult roles and responsibilities, recent empirical investigations have identified a limited number of distinct transition pathways differentiated primarily by the timing of family formation and participation in postsecondary education (Macmillan & Copher, 2005;Osgood, Ruth, Eccles, Jacobs, & Barber, 2005;Sandefur, Eggerling-Boeck, & Park, 2005). This line of research has suggested that, despite greater variety in transition sequences and weaker age norms that no longer clearly prescribe the timing of transitions into adult roles, there are only a few typical pathways that describe the transition to adulthood for the majority of young adults.Despite generally greater gender equality in U.S. society, these pathways continue to differ by gender. Research on the life course indicates that men and women differ in the timing of transitions, particularly to family roles such as marriage and raising children, and in how they sequence and combine such roles (Elder, 1998;Moen, 2001 NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript concerns about young men's ability to successfully move into adulthood (Kimmel, 2008). Yet knowledge about how pathways to adulthood vary by gender is limited. Furthermore, many studies of the transition to adulthood are dated, focusing on cohorts that transitioned into young adulthood during the 1980s or earlier (e.g., Macmillan & Eliason, 2003;Marini, 1984;Mouw, 2005;Rindfuss, Swicegood, & Rosenfeld, 1987). Comparatively little is known about the transition to adulthood of contempo...

Background: Our objective was to assess adults' knowledge, risk behaviors, and preference for information about human papillomavirus (HPV).Methods: A cross-sectional study using a self-administered questionnaire given in 3 locations (a university health service and 2 community family practice offices); 289 people completed the questionnaire. The primary outcome measure was a knowledge score calculated from the responses on specific items in the questionnaire. This knowledge score was developed by other investigators and has acceptable psychometric properties.Results: Knowledge about HPV was low, with an average knowledge score of 5.50 (possible scores ranged from 0 to 14) and a mode of 0. Knowledge scores were significantly higher in women (P ‫؍‬ .001) and married adults (P ‫؍‬ .001). Knowledge scores were inversely related to age (P ‫؍‬ .004) and positively correlated with years of education (P ‫؍‬ .001) and self-assessment of knowledge (P < .001). Knowledge scores were positively correlated with condom use (P ‫؍‬ .05) but not significantly associated with other risk behaviors. The most frequently desired time to receive information about HPV was before becoming sexually active.Conclusions

Male violence is an enduring feature of women's lives from childhood through old age. The review covers child sexual abuse, rape, and partner violence with emphasis on the prevalence of violence, its mental health consequences, the course of recovery, and mediators and moderators of traumatic impact. The primary focus is depression and posttraumatic stress disorder, the two major diagnostic entities through which postassault emotions and behaviors have been conceptualized and measured. The effects of psychiatric conceptualizations of victimization and patterns of individual recovery are critically reviewed. The PTSD paradigm as the sole foundation for most victimization research is also debated. Following the review, mental health services for victimized women are examined. The article concludes with public policy recommendations to improve the availability and accessibility of mental health services with emphasis on reaching those survivors who are less likely to consult the formal system.