Background Obstacles to current tobacco cessation programs include limited access and adherence to effective interventions. Digital interventions offer a great opportunity to overcome these difficulties, yet virtual reality has not been used as a remote and self-administered tool to help increase adherence and effectiveness of digital interventions for tobacco cessation. Objective This study aimed to evaluate participant adherence and smoking cessation outcomes in a pilot randomized controlled trial of the digital intervention Mindcotine (MindCotine Inc) using a self-administered treatment of virtual reality combined with mindfulness. Methods A sample of 120 participants was recruited in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina (mean age 43.20 years, SD 9.50; 57/120, 47.5% female). Participants were randomly assigned to a treatment group (TG), which received a self-assisted 21-day program based on virtual reality mindful exposure therapy (VR-MET) sessions, daily surveys, and online peer-to-peer support moderated by psychologists, or a control group (CG), which received the online version of the smoking cessation manual from the Argentine Ministry of Health. Follow-up assessments were conducted by online surveys at postintervention and 90-day follow-up. The primary outcome was self-reported abstinence at postintervention, with missing data assumed as still smoking. Secondary outcomes included sustained abstinence at 90-day follow-up, adherence to the program, and readiness to quit. Results Follow-up rates at day 1 were 93% (56/60) for the TG and 100% (60/60) for the CG. At postintervention, the TG reported 23% (14/60) abstinence on that day compared with 5% (3/60) in the CG. This difference was statistically significant (χ21=8.3; P=.004). The TG reported sustained abstinence of 33% (20/60) at 90 days. Since only 20% (12/60) of participants in the CG completed the 90-day follow-up, we did not conduct a statistical comparison between groups at this follow-up time point. Among participants still smoking at postintervention, the TG was significantly more ready to quit compared to the CG (TG: mean 7.71, SD 0.13; CG: mean 7.16, SD 0.13; P=.005). A total of 41% (23/56) of participants completed the treatment in the time frame recommended by the program. Conclusions Results provide initial support for participant adherence to and efficacy of Mindcotine and warrant testing the intervention in a fully powered randomized trial. However, feasibility of trial follow-up assessment procedures for control group participants needs to be improved. Further research is needed on the impact of VR-MET on long-term outcomes. Trial Registration ISRCTN Registry ISRCTN50586181; http://www.isrctn.com/ISRCTN50586181

It is commonly assumed that political attitudes are driven by self-interest and that poor people heavily favor policies aimed at redistributing wealth. This assumption fails to explain the popularity of economic conservatism and the degree of support for the capitalist system. Such outcomes are typically explained by the suggestion that most poor people believe they will become rich one day. In a representative sample of low-income Americans, we observed that less than one-fourth were optimistic about their economic prospects. Those respondents who believed that they would become rich one day were no more likely to endorse the legitimacy of the system and no more supportive of conservative ideology or the Republican Party, compared to those who did not believe they would become rich. From a system justification perspective, we propose that people are motivated to defend the social systems on which they depend, and this confers a psychological advantage to conservative ideology. Providing ideological support for the status quo serves epistemic motives to reduce uncertainty, existential motives to reduce threat, and relational motives to share reality with members of mainstream society. We summarize evidence from the United States, Argentina, Lebanon, and other countries bearing on these propositions-including a survey administered shortly before the 2016 U.S. Presidential election-and discuss political implications of system justification motivation.

Precarious manhood beliefs portray manhood, relative to womanhood, as a social status that is hard to earn, easy to lose, and proven via public action. Here, we present cross-cultural data on a brief measure of precarious manhood beliefs (the Precarious Manhood Beliefs scale [PMB]) that covaries meaningfully with other cross-culturally validated gender ideologies and with country-level indices of gender equality and human development. Using data from university samples in 62 countries across 13 world regions ( N = 33,417), we demonstrate: (1) the psychometric isomorphism of the PMB (i.e., its comparability in meaning and statistical properties across the individual and country levels); (2) the PMB’s distinctness from, and associations with, ambivalent sexism and ambivalence toward men; and (3) associations of the PMB with nation-level gender equality and human development. Findings are discussed in terms of their statistical and theoretical implications for understanding widely-held beliefs about the precariousness of the male gender role.

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The aim of this study was to analyze the psychometric properties of the subtle and blatant prejudice scale toward indigenous people in Argentina and its relationship with right wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, tolerance for disagreement, ideologicalpolitical self-positioning, sex and age. A sample of 304 participants from Buenos Aires was selected using a non-probabilistic incidental method. Participants were aged from 18 to 41 years and they were asked to fill a self-report questionnaire including an Argentinean version of the subtle and blatant prejudice toward indigenous people scale together with right wing authoritarianism scale, social dominance orientation scale, tolerance for disagreement scale, ideological-political self-positioning scale. We found adequate psychometrics properties for the subtle and blatant prejudice scale, as well as significant and positive correlations with right wing authoritarianism, tolerance for disagreement, social dominance orientation and political self-placement. These findings may indicate that prejudice towards indigenous people in Argentina is a complex problem that cannot be explained only by considering intergroup relations, because different socio-psychological variables are related with its consolidation and maintenance.