No abstract

Local empirical knowledge about medicinal properties of plants is the basis for their use as home remedies. Particularly in developing countries such remedies still are an indispensable resource for everyday health care. They form the basis for numerous studies on drugs from natural sources. Like other indigenous groups across the world, the Ch'orti' Maya in Eastern Guatemala are currently experiencing a phase of dramatic cultural change, with their traditional knowledge about plants being in great danger of disappearing. During 17 months of fieldwork, medicinal plant uses were documented using a semi-quantitative approach and analysed using ethnopharmacological methods. The most important groups of illnesses treated with plants were gastrointestinal complaints and illnesses associated with pain and fever. Field data were compared with mostly unpublished historical data collected in the 1930s by the anthropologist Charles Wisdom. This comparison showed that medicinal plant uses that are more consistent over time are also shared by a larger number of people. A literature search on the most frequently mentioned medicinal plants showed that, even for widely used medicinal species, phytochemical and pharmacological data are insufficient for fully understanding their therapeutic profile. Whereas a few examples of potentially dangerous practices were encountered, the limited amount of information available mostly supports local medicinal plant usage.

A screening for iridoid compounds of 78 of 315 species from all major groups in Gronoviaceae and Loasaceae has been carried out. The results were compared to the systematic concepts in the family and distribution and ecology of the taxa. Iridoids are present in at least some species of all genera screened. Some simple, monomeric compounds (e.g., loganin, sweroside) are found in all major groups of the two families and represent the basic iridoid inventory. Other compounds are restricted to certain taxonomic groups: nine-carbon iridoids (e.g., deutzioside) are restricted to Mentzelia (Loasaceae subfam. Mentzelioideae), hetero-oligomeric iridoids (e.g., tricoloroside methyl ester, acerifolioside) are restricted to two small groups in Loasa (Loasa ser. Macrospermae and ser. Floribundae, Loasaceae subfam. Loasoideae), and oleosides (e.g., 10-hydroxyoleoside dimethyl ester) are restricted to the large genus Caiophora sensu Weigend). The distribution of certain iridoid compounds thus confirms some of the generic limits. Iridoid phytochemistry does not correlate with systematic entities above the generic level nor does it in any way correlate with the morphological evolution of taxa. Conversely, the amount and complexity of iridoid compounds present in taxa correlate positively with the aridity of their habitat and the extent of mammalian herbivore pressure.

No abstract

Since at least 600 BC, cacao (Theobroma cacao L.) has occupied a place of cultural importance in Mesoamerica. In many Maya groups its importance as a ritual food plant is second only to maize (Zea mays L.). The Ch'orti' Maya and their culturally non-indigenous Ladino neighbours in Eastern Guatemala continue to use cacao for culinary and ceremonial purposes. Of particular importance are cacao uses in Ch'orti' rain ceremonies, which are strongly connected to local environmental knowledge. The protection of cacao as a sacred tree may help to limit slash-and-burn maize agriculture to sustainable levels.