With football, by contrast, there can be outbreaks of angry populism, as supporters revolt against the corporate fat cats who muscle in on their clubs; but for the most part football these days is the opium of the people, not to speak of their crack cocaine. Its icon is the impeccably Tory, slavishly conformist Beckham. The Reds are no longer the Bolsheviks. Nobody serious about political change can shirk the fact that the game has to be abolished. And any political outfit that tried it on would have about as much chance of power as the chief executive of BP has in taking over from Oprah Winfrey. Eagleton, 2010 1 This paper is concerned with a significant cultural form-football 2. It considers accountability in football and uses the recent takeover of Manchester United football club by Malcolm Glazer in order to highlight some of the accountability issues which are at stake on the field. Accordingly it concentrates on English football 3. The cultural importance of football in England is highly significant. Football is the national sport of and aggregate attendance at Premier League matches in 2007/08 was 13,736,623 (All Parliamentary Football Group, 2009). If there is any field where there is a huge desire for information, control and accountability, it is the field of football. Unlike any other field, the fans desire is almost overwhelming. Having such intensely interested participants makes the field of football an interesting case for considering what accountability means and how it operates in practice. The everyday use of the word "accountability" increased dramatically in the late 20 th and early 21 st century. This paper considers this in terms of what Bourdieu and Wacquant (2001) describe as a "new vocabulary" or planetary vulgate 4. This new vocabulary includes such words as "globablisation", "exclusion", "minority" and "new economy". While "accountability" was not on Bourdieu and Wacquant's list of words, this paper will argue, following Bourdieu and Wacquant (2001), that "accountability" should count as one of the words whose "effects are all the more powerful and pernicious in that it is promoted not only by the partisans of the neoliberal revolution who, under cover of `modernization', intend to remake the world by sweeping away the social and economic conquests of a century of social struggles, henceforth depicted as so many archaisms and obstacles to the emergent new order, but also by cultural producers (researchers, writers and artists) and left-wing activists, the vast majority of whom still think of themselves as progressives." Drawing on Bourdieu's insights we set out what we describe as "vulgate" accountability, which is a 1 http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jun/15/football-socialism-crack-cocaine-people 2 In the US, football is called soccer 3 Therefore this is meant with no disrespect to other nationalities. 4 The Vulgate is a Latin edition or translation of the Bible by Saint Jerome at the end of the fourth century. The signifier vulgate has come to mean the common speech of a p...
We have constructed a genealogy of strain S288C, from which many of the mutant and segregant strains currently used in studies on the genetics and molecular biology of Saccharomyces cerevisiae have been derived. We have determined that its six progenitor strains were EM93, EM126, NRRL YB-210 and the three baking strains Yeast Foam, FLD and LK. We have estimated that approximately 88% of the gene pool of S288C is contributed by strain EM93. The principal ancestral genotypes were those of segregant strains EM93-1C and EM93-3B, initially distributed by C. C. Lindegren to several laboratories. We have analyzed an isolate of a lyophilized culture of strain EM93 and determined its genotype as MAT a/MAT? SUC2/SUC2 GAL2/gal2 MAL/MAL mel/mel CUP1/cup1 FLO1/flo1. Strain EM93 is therefore the probable origin of genes SUC2, gal2, CUP1 and flo1 of S288C. We give details of the current availability of several of the progenitor strains and propose that this genealogy should be of assistance in elucidating the origins of several types of genetic and molecular heterogeneities in Saccharomyces.
Of 29 strains of various Saccharomyces spp., 24 gave generally similar chromosomal band patterns (14 to 17 bands in the size range from 200 to 2,000 kilobase pairs), as determined by orthogonal field alternation gel electrophoresis. However, most of these stains showed unique band patterns due to chromosome polymorphisms. Strains of Saccharomyces kluyveri, Candida albicans, Candida utilis, Kluy veromyces luctis, Pichia canadensis, and Schwanniomyces occidentalis gave bands that were indicative of small numbers of larger chromosomes (>1,000 kilobase pairs). These results suggest that Saccharomyces kluyveri should be included in another genus and that Saccharomyces spp. may be different from other yeasts in having a large number of chromosomes, the majority of which are smaller than 1,000 kilobase pairs.
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