Undocumented individuals in U.S. society have been barred from access to federal economic relief during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Increased visibility of the vulnerability of undocumented individuals may provide a window of opportunity for inclusive policies. On the contrary, previous research about pro-immigrant sentiment shows that supporters of undocumented migrants advocate for them by using discourse that ultimately reifies their exclusion. The current study uses Twitter data collected from March to July 2020 to examine public discourse on undocumented immigrants during the pandemic. Our research question is: “How do Twitter users frame deservingness of undocumented immigrants during the COVID-19 pandemic?” We find that: (1) relief for undocumented immigrants continues to be contingent even in times of crisis, (2) economic productivity is a prerequisite of deservingness, and (3) anti-immigrant frames that scapegoat immigrants are flexible to the political and public health conditions of a historical period. Implications for policy are discussed.

Being undocumented is strongly correlated with low wages, employment in high risk occupations, and poor healthcare access. We know surprisingly little about the social lives of older undocumented adults despite the vast literature about youth and young undocumented migrants. Literature about the immigrant health paradox casts doubts on the argument that unequal social conditions translate to poorer self‐reported health and mortality, but few of these studies consider immigration status as the dynamic variable that it is. Reviewing research about older migrants and minorities, I point to the emergence of undocumented older persons as a demographic group that merits attention from researchers and policymakers. This nexus offers important lessons for understanding stratification and inequality. This review offers new research directions that take into account multilevel consequences of growing old undocumented. Rather than arguing that older‐aged undocumented migrants are aging into exclusion, I argue that we need careful empirical research to examine how the continuity of exclusion via policies can magnify inequalities on the basis of immigration status and racialization in older age.

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Introduction: Although Latino immigrants, especially noncitizens, endure structural factors that may increase their risk of death at younger ages, little is known about their risk of death in young adulthood. This study evaluates mortality differences across citizenship status among young Latino adults (aged 18−44 years) in the U.S.Methods: This study used the National Health Interview Survey (1998−2014) with mortality follow-up through 2015. Cox regression models adjusted for age and sex were used to determine baseline differences in mortality. Models adjusted for socioeconomic factors (i.e., English proficiency, education, poverty, and health insurance) were used to determine whether socioeconomic conditions attenuate mortality differences.Results: Participants included noncitizens (n=48,388), naturalized citizens (n=16,241), and U.S.born citizens (n=63,388). Noncitizens (hazard ratio [HR]=1.40, 95% CI=1.31, 1.51), but not naturalized citizens (HR=1.04, 95% CI=0.94, 1.16), were at greater risk of all-cause death than U.S.-born citizens. Both noncitizens (HR=2.46, 95% CI=2.07, 2.92) and naturalized citizens (HR=1.76, 95% CI=1.40, 2.21) were more likely to die of cancer. Noncitizens were also at a greater risk of death because of cardiometabolic diseases (HR=1.46, 95% CI=1.20, 1.78) and accidents (HR=1.33, 95% CI=1.14, 1.55). Socioeconomic factors attenuated differences in all-cause, cardiometabolic, and accidental deaths, but not differences in cancer mortality.Conclusions: Contrary to the long-held notion of the healthy migrant, young Latino immigrants, especially noncitizens, are at increased risk of death than their U.S.-born counterparts. Efforts to reduce these disparities should focus on improving their socioeconomic conditions and healthcare access early in adulthood.

Research Objective Forty million Latino adults reside in the United States, including eleven million who do not possess US citizenship. Noncitizens disproportionately experience poverty, segregation, and inadequate access to healthcare—pathogenic mechanisms that adversely impact health. Here we examine the association between citizenship status (i.e., US‐born citizens, naturalized citizens, or noncitizens) and mortality among Latinos. Study Design Cohort study using data from the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS, 1998–2014) and mortality follow‐up through the end of 2015. We examined all‐cause and cause‐specific mortality. We used Poisson regressions adjusted for demographic factors (i.e., age, sex, origin, and region of residence) to estimate mortality rates and examine mortality risk differences. We also conducted mediation analysis to evaluate the extent to which socioeconomic factors (i.e., English fluency, educational attainment, poverty, and health insurance) explain the associations between citizenship status and mortality. All analyses were stratified by age‐group (<55 or ≥ 55 years). Population Studied Latino adults who are long‐term residents of the US (≥10 years, n = 177,219), including US‐born citizens (n = 90,494), naturalized citizens (n = 37,676), and noncitizen (n = 49,049). Principal Findings Among younger Latinos (<55 years), noncitizens (incidence rate ratio (IRR] 1.40 [95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.31, 1.49)) and naturalized citizens (IRR 1.15 [CI: 1.06, 1.25] have higher all‐cause mortality rates than US‐born citizens. Socioeconomic factors explained a substantial proportion of mortality risk differences between the US‐born population and noncitizens (43% [CI 20%, 67%)) and naturalized citizens (20% (CI: −1%, 41%]). Younger noncitizens were also at higher risk for deaths due to cancer (IRR 2.13 [CI: 1.86, 2.45), cardiometabolic diseases (IRR 1.42 [CI: 1.21, 1.66]), and accidents (IRR 1.54 [CI 1.31, 1.82)) than their US‐born counterparts. Among older Latinos (≥55 years), however, noncitizens had lower all‐cause mortality rates (IRR 0.91 [CI: 0.84, 0.99] than US‐born citizens—socioeconomic factors did not explain this mortality advantage. Conclusions Younger Latino noncitizens and, to a lesser extent, naturalized citizens are at higher risk of death than US‐born citizens. Future work should examine the role of structural barriers to health in explaining the mortality disadvantage among young and middle‐aged Latino noncitizens. Research should also focus on the potential role of survival bias in explaining why older Latino noncitizens have a modest mortality advantage. Implications for Policy or Practice As noncitizens experience systemic exclusions from labor, healthcare, and wealth, policies to address health disparities in the Latino population should acknowledge that citizenship status is a structural determinant of health. Primary Funding Source The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.