Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit.Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de

Student leadership is often misconceptualized as merely a pedagogical exercise revolving around simulated political arenas with little to no immediate real political consequence. Other scholarship normalizes students as political outsiders who have to resort to dangerous, exhausting activism tactics for even minute advocacy victories due to their lack of structural representation in education decision-making. An analysis of student leadership in research and practice is presented according to an identified spectrum of low to high student power. This article argues that student leadership has great potential for real political action. The best structure for student leadership is argued to be democratic student government, as well as students having standing roles within education leadership structures. Furthermore, effective conceptions of student leadership must not only acknowledge its developmental aspects, but also account for the real politics inherent in student leadership activities. To conclude, a more political conception of student leadership and student government is advocated for so student leaders' real political activities can be recognized and studied as such in education leadership discourse to prevent student exploitation and tokenism.

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Everyday Violence in the Lives of Youth: Speaking Out and Pushing Back reports on a five-year study using youth participatory action research (Y-PAR) to analyze the effects of structural violence on youth health. Through focus groups across Canada of marginalized youth illustrating their experiences through art, the researchers connect political and socioeconomic oppression to mental and physical health. This connection opens interdisciplinary opportunities between health studies and economics, education, politics, and sociology to further examine correlations between wellness and societal equity. The editors and authors are researchers associated with the study (pp. xi-xv, 14-16).The book contains three parts divided into eleven chapters. Part 1 introduces Y-PAR's benefits and how youth can be misrepresented when excluded from research processes. Chapter 1 indicates that current literature and programs often blame individuals instead of structural violence, depicted as "racism, homophobia, classism, ableism or sexism" (pp. 3, 4-13). Chapter 2 describes the study's Y-PAR approach, which involves a National Youth Advisory Board (NYAB) appointed and facilitated by two hired coordinators to advise on the research process, plus thirty participant groups, though how they define youth is unclear (pp. 20, 27-33). Chapter 3 analyzes Canadian child protective services policies, highlighting insufficient supports for youth aging out of care (pp. 37-53). Chapter 4 examines discriminatory media representations of Indigenous and Muslim youth, highlighting how "the discourse of savagery gets translated into criminality" (p. 81) with redemption conceptualized as assimilation (pp. 57-82). This chapter could have benefitted from a more extended analysis of how these media representations of race are impacted by intersections with gender, sexual orientation, and homelessness. Overall, part 1 effectively establishes an urgent need for Y-PAR with marginalized youth in Canada, justifying the study's ambitious scope.

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit.Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de