Over the last four years, India has become the centre for a major experiment in the implementation of a so-called ‘gender-just Islam’ by Islamic feminist organisations: the formation of a non-official, female-led sharī‘ah court network, within which women serve as qāẓīs (religious judges) to adjudicate disputes within Muslim families. Pre­senting themselves as counterweights to more patriarchal legal bodies, including both the official judiciary and unofficial dispute resolution forums, these sharī‘ah ‘adālats employ both state-centred and community-focused strategies to assist Muslim women experiencing marital or family-related strife. Based on interviews with female qāẓīs and associated documentary sources, I examine how the women who run these courts adjudicate family conflicts according to what they understand as both the Qur’an’s ethical teachings, and its stipulations regarding the proper methods of dispute resolution. I also argue that these all-female sharī‘ah ‘adālats reflect a shift of focus away from court litigation and legislative intervention, and towards non-state, arbitration-focused practices, as the most fruitful means to protect the needs of Muslim women in contemporary India.

Background Islatravir (4′-ethynyl-2-fluoro-2′-deoxyadenosine; EFdA) is a first-in-class nucleoside reverse transcriptase translocation inhibitor (NRTTI) being investigated for HIV treatment and prevention. EFdA is intracellularly phosphorylated to EFdA-triphosphate (EFdA-tp), a competitive substrate of deoxyadenosine-triphosphate (dATP). Thus, translating safety and efficacy findings from preclinical studies relies on the assumption that EFdA’s intracellular pharmacology can be extrapolated across species. Objectives We investigated how EFdA is phosphorylated across animal species commonly used for preclinical models in drug development to identify those that most closely matched humans. Methods PBMCs were isolated from whole blood of six species (human, rhesus macaque non-human primate (rmNHP), rat, minipig, dog, and rabbit) using Ficoll separation and counted on a haemocytometer by Trypan blue staining. One million live cells were cultured in media supplemented with 10 U/mL human IL-2, 10% FBS and 1% antibiotics and treated with 0, 17, 170, and 1700 nM EFdA (n = 3 replicates per concentration). After 24 h, representative cell counts were derived from untreated control wells (as above), cells were washed in PBS, and lysed with 70:30 methanol:water. EFdA-tp and dATP concentrations were quantified by HPLC-MS/MS and normalized to the representative live cell counts for each species. Results When compared to human values, EFdA-tp concentrations for each EFdA treatment concentration were lower in all species (rmNHP 1.5–2.1-fold, rat 4.5–15-fold, minipig 37–71-fold, dog and rabbit >100-fold). Additionally, rmNHP and dog PBMCs exhibited significantly higher (7–10-fold; P < 0.001) dATP when compared with human PBMCs. Conclusions Given intracellular pharmacology differences, these preclinical models may be a conservative estimate of EFdA’s intracellular pharmacokinetics and efficacy in humans.

For many Muslims, the preservation of Muslim Personal Law has become the touchstone of their capacity to defend their religious identity in modern India. This paper examines public debate over Muslim Personal Law, not as a site of consensus within the community, but rather as an arena in which a varied array of Muslim individuals, schools and organisations have sought to assert their own distinctiveness. This is done by discussing the evolution of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, the most influential organisation to speak on such matters since the 1970s, with particular focus on its recent disintegration at the hands of a number of alternative legal councils formed by feminist, clerical and other groups. These organisations have justified their existence through criticism of the organisation's alleged attempts to standardise Islamic law, and its perceived dominance by the Deobandi school of thought. In truth, however, this process of fragmentation results from a complex array of embryonic and interlinked personal, political and ideological competitions, indicative of the increasingly fraught process of consensus-building in contemporary Indian Muslim society.

Interest in Shi'a Islam has increased greatly in recent years, although Shi'ism in the Indian subcontinent has remained largely underexplored. Focusing on the influential Shi'a minority of Lucknow and the United Provinces, a region that was largely under Shi'a rule until 1856, this book traces the history of Indian Shi'ism through the colonial period toward independence in 1947. Drawing on a range of new sources, including religious writing, polemical literature and clerical biography, it assesses seminal developments including the growth of Shi'a religious activism, madrasa education, missionary activity, ritual innovation and the politicization of the Shi'a community. As a consequence of these significant religious and social transformations, a Shi'a sectarian identity developed that existed in separation from rather than in interaction with its Sunni counterparts. In this way the painful birth of modern sectarianism was initiated, the consequences of which are very much alive in South Asia today.

The story of Imam Husain's martyrdom at Karbala has been told with variant emphases and interpretations in different historical contexts. This article examines one of the most famous modern tellings of this narrative: that of ‘Ali Naqi Naqvi, arguably South Asia's most influential Shi‘i mujtahid of the twentieth century. It argues that, from the 1930s–1940s, ‘Ali Naqi pioneered a novel perspective on Imam Husain, establishing him as a model for human comportment and a figure to be actively emulated, both by Shi‘as and by humanity at large. As well as having implications for transformation within Shi‘ism, this reorientation of Husain's significance pre-empted its politicisation: ‘Ali Naqi's message informed the incorporation of Shi‘i symbology within the 1942 Quit India agitation, and in some senses exhibited parallels with the later revolutionary rendering of the Karbala message in 1960s–1970s Iran. It is the range of the religious and political implications to be drawn from Ali Naqi's interpretation that have ensured both the durability, and ongoing controversy, of his Husainology.