The dimension of individualism‐collectivism, as identified by Hofstede (1980), was studied using items developed both theoretically and emically in nine diverse cultures. The dimension was found to be analysable into four stable etic factors: Individualism had two aspects (Separation from Ingroups and Self‐Reliance with Hedonism) and collectivism had two aspects (Family Integrity and Interdependence with Sociability). These four factors are orthogonal to each other. The location of nine cultures on these four factors was used to compute a “collectivism” score which correlated r = + · 73 with Hofstede's (1980) collectivism scores for the nine cultures. This approach enables the measurement of individualism‐collectivism in each culture as well as across cultures, and shows that different methods for measuring individualism‐collectivism converge.

A sample of 292 respondents, drawn from three locations, participated in a study designed to examine the effects of eighteen situations on the choice of collectivist and individualist behaviour and intentions, or their combinations. The findings indicated that concerns for family or family members evoked a purely collectivist behaviour. Compelling and urgent personal needs and goals in conflict with the interests of family or friends led to a mix of individualist and collectivist behaviour and intentions. Individualist behaviour intended to serve collectivist interests was the third most frequently opted choice. Respondents' education had a significant effect and other background variables had indeterminate effects on the choice of either purely collectivist or a mix of collectivist and individualist behaviour and intentions. Coexistence of collectivism and individualismDespite this evidence, there are still doubts about Indians' unequivocal nature of collectivism. In the classical study by Hofstede (1980), India's score of 48 on a 100-point scale of collectivism-individualism indicated only a slight tilt towards collectivism. Sinha

College students from secondary population centers in India, Pakistan, Thailand, Mexico, Brazil, Japan, Hong Kong, the Philippines, Australia, England, and the United States were asked to rate the importance of love for both the establishment and the maintenance of a marriage. Love tended to receive greatest importance in the Western and Westernized nations and least importance in the underdeveloped Eastern nations. These differences were stronger and clearer for decisions regarding the establishment of a marriage than for the maintenance and dissolution of a marriage. There were few significant sex differences, either across or within countries. Individualistic cultures, as opposed to collective cultures, assigned much greater importance to love in marriage decisions. Respondents assigning greater importance to love also tended to come from nations with higher economic standards of living, higher marriage rates and divorce rates, and lower fertility rates.

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Thirty-nine educated middle-class residents of Patna, India, were interviewed about a vignette describing the behaviour of a seemingly mad man or woman. The interview explored their representations of traditional healing methods and of modern psychiatric notions. Besides explanations for mental illness and madness, the interviews also covered the reaction of families and neighbours to such phenomena. Respondents thought of different causes depending on the context, ranging from frustrated desires, shock and heredity to spirit possession.The majority's spontaneous preference for modern psychiatric treatment often co-exists with a faith in traditional healing. This faith is strengthened by their family's traditional preference. The results are discussed as an example of a process of modernization of common sense in which popularized scientific notions become anchored in the traditional setting of social structure and family life. The newly acquired knowledge forms a loosely organized social representation confronting a strongly objectified cultural representation of traditional thinking.