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organizations operating in the fields of culture and education-in response to the segregationist approach embodied by the Greek-Turkish population exchange are also deeply tainted and structured by racialized logics that hierarchize humanity. The book is thus a strongly contextualized critique of liberalism, insistently underscoring how the ostensible expansion in the recognition and appreciation of alterity remains inadequate and dependent on methods of identification and classification that essentialize and naturalize difference. Hence, Humanism in Ruins forcefully contends that the two broad paradigms of alterity-heredity and heritage-based on race and culture respectively are in fact deeply imbricated and mutually constituted. Taking the reader through a dizzying range of complex and intertwined histories of influential figures, institutions, initiatives, and declarations, this meticulously researched book offers a treasure trove of material. Rich in detail and yet broad in scope, Humanism in Ruins is still broader in its implications. While it leaves no rock unturned in pursuit of the question of how the regulation of alterity took shape, locally and globally, it patiently unearths clue after clue that renders humanism suspect. Iğsız thus offers a strong corrective against the complacent celebration of diversity, showing what that celebration occludes: the ongoing history of human ruins.

Debates on languages have been omnipresent in the Moroccan public space since independence. This article examines the regimes of justification employed by language advocates to approach historically the norms of legitimacy, i.e., 'the legitimate.' It argues that a new discourse on languages has emerged in 2011 in Morocco employing justice and equity as the main legitimating principles in language politics. After the phases of unity (justifying the Arabisation policy, which replaced French by Standard Arabic in administrations, courts, and schools) and recognition (supporting the standardisation of Tamazight and its recognition as an official language), the discursive shift to justice and equity in 2011 marks the entry of Morocco in a third phase in language politics and points out a shift in the norms underpinning political legitimacy. The article highlights that the 2011 uprisings in Morocco, though seemingly unsuccessful, did nonetheless provoke an evolution of 'the legitimate' in Moroccan politics.