hi recent decades institutional change-related to education, labour markets, government policies, and globalization-has dramatically altered the reception of new immigrants in Canada, creating new obstacles to their employment and economic success. What effect, if any, does institutional change have on the second-generation children of immigrants ? This article proposes an institutional model for minority integration that locates immigrant generational succession and successive secondgeneration cohorts as embedded in a changing institutional structure. Current research jqndings on early family life, educational attainment, and labour market success of the second generation in Canada are interpreted in the light of this model, raising significant issues for future research. Depuis quelques dizaines d'anndes, des changements institutionnels touchant l'dducation, Ies marchds du travail, les politiques gouvernementales et la mondialisation, ont dnormdment modifid l' accueil des nouveaux immigrants au Canada, leur dressant de nouveaux obstacles sur la vole de l'emploi et de Ia rdussite dconomique. Quel est l'effet -si effiet il y a -des changements institutionnels sur les enfants des immigrants, cette deuxi~me gdndration ? Cet article propose un modfle institutionnel de l'intdgration des minoritds qui consid&e la succession transgdndrationnelle chez les immigrants et les cohortes de deuxifme gdndration comme dtant intdgrdes au sein d'une structure institutionnelle en dvolution. Des rdsultats de recherches rdcentes portant sur la vie de fanzille pendant I'enfance, le rendement scolaire et les r~ussites sur le marchd du travail chez Ia deuxi~me gdndration au Canada sont inter~prdtds h la lumifre de ce modfle, ce qui soul~ve des questions importantes pour Ia recherche h l'avenir.
This article explores the migrant networks that develop between migrants, non‐migrants and the larger Indian diaspora. Specifically, it examines the decision to migrate to Toronto, Canada and how this decision is shaped by, and in turn shapes the migrant network. Based on 35 interviews with migrants from Karnataka, South India, two main findings are presented. First, migrants are deliberately choosing settlement countries in which their families are not yet located, thereby becoming “migrant pioneers” in their country of settlement, which is an attempt to expand their migrant networks globally. Second, the narratives these migrants receive and subsequently impart to others are often inaccurate, which can lead to miscommunication flows among these migrant networks. These findings are considered in light of the large body of research on migrant networks and the ways they develop and transmit information. This paper argues that existing understanding of migrant networks is somewhat static. Findings indicate that these “migrant pioneers” may be engaging in global risk‐diversification strategies for subsequent generations, but may themselves suffer from the more immediate consequences of misinformed networks.
This research contributes to our understandings of the employment experiences of skilled immigrants in Canada by complementing and expanding upon statistical findings from previously published studies. Through in-depth interviews with 35 skilled immigrants from Bangalore, India living in Toronto, Canada, findings indicate that migrants experience employment frustrations stemming directly from the discrepancy between admission criteria (foreign education and work experience) and employment criteria (Canadian education and work experience). After summarizing the statistical data on the non-recognition of foreign credentials, we conclude that among our sample of immigrants, frustrations stem not from credential discounting in and of itself, but from Canada's point system for entry, which misleads these migrants about its existence and prevalence.RÉSUMÉ Cette recherche contribue à nos connaissances sur les expériences d'emploi des immigrants qualifiés au Canada en complétant et développant les résultats statistiques d'études déjà publiées. Des entrevues approfondies auprès de trente-cinq immigrants qualifiés de Bangalore, en Inde, et vivant à Toronto, au Canada, indiquent que les immigrants connaissent des frustrations d'emploi qui découlent directement de l'écart entre les critères d'admission (études et expérience professionnelle étrangères) et les critères d'emploi (études et expérience professionnelle canadiennes). Après avoir résumé les données statistiques sur la non reconnaissance des titres de compétences étrangers, nous concluons que pour notre échantillon d'immigrants, les frustrations ne découlent pas de la non reconnaissance de titres de compétences en soi, mais plutôt du système de points d'appréciation pour l'entrée au Canada qui induit les immigrants en erreur quant à son existence et son importance.
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